berg80
Diamond Member
- Oct 28, 2017
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In the early days of the Trump presidency, efforts to obtain his tax returns or enforce the Emoluments Clause were slow, clumsy, and sometimes reluctantly undertaken by Democrats in Congress. I was inclined to excuse that slowness. But as the threat mounted and become more obvious and the reaction to it failed to rise to the challenge, my own sense of urgency began to change.
When the travesties of the Trump presidency accumulated and potential accountability shifted from the political to legal realms, especially after the Jan. 6 attack, I feared that the legal system was more inclined to sweep it all under the rug than confront it. A lot of our coverage was focused on framing the Jan. 6 attack as merely the culmination of a broad, months-long conspiracy to subvert the election. While the attack on the Capitol did historic damage and finally started to stir law enforcement into action, over-focusing on the physical attack would miss the myriad other ways the election had been subverted using the powers of the executive branch.
In the years since, it has become obvious that the slowness of the legal system isn’t merely the result of a careful, deliberative adherence to the rule of law and the procedural protections necessary to do proper justice. It is also a product of a wariness in confronting Trump and his legions of supporters, an unreasonable tendency to give him the benefit of the doubt, the judiciary’s own overweening sense that it is above politics, and a fundamental failure to appreciate that a strongman who attempted to seize power unlawfully once is a threat to the very existence of the legal system itself.
IMO, Garland bears responsibility for the proximity of the federal cases against the Orange Menace to the upcoming election because of his timidity. His reluctance to make the DoJ appear too political in the wake of Billy the Bagman's sycophantic reign caused an inexcusable delay in naming Jack Smith SC.
Putting that aside, Don is taking full advantage of the inherent deliberative speed with which the rule of law is carried out in the US. All the way fatuously claiming he is the victim of persecution. Nonsense, as eloquently stated by Judge Lamberth.
The former chief judge in DC warned last fall that we are “at a crossroads teetering on the brink of authoritarianism.” During the sentencing yesterday of Trump White House official Peter Navarro, U.S. District Judge Amit Mehta called bullshit on it being a “political prosecution.” Also yesterday, in the sentencing of a Jan. 6 rioter, U.S. District Judge Royce Lamberth, a long-serving Reagan appointee, let it rip:
Clearly her fears have been realized.
Having the knowledge of whether Trump is guilty or innocent of trying to subvert the Constitution in the eyes of a jury prior to the election is what Trump is trying to prevent. And he is having some success by using every means at his disposal to do so. He is trying to run out the clock in the hope he is elected and then uses his authority to have the cases dropped. He is trying to deny that justice be served while asking the public to make him the next prez.
When the travesties of the Trump presidency accumulated and potential accountability shifted from the political to legal realms, especially after the Jan. 6 attack, I feared that the legal system was more inclined to sweep it all under the rug than confront it. A lot of our coverage was focused on framing the Jan. 6 attack as merely the culmination of a broad, months-long conspiracy to subvert the election. While the attack on the Capitol did historic damage and finally started to stir law enforcement into action, over-focusing on the physical attack would miss the myriad other ways the election had been subverted using the powers of the executive branch.
In the years since, it has become obvious that the slowness of the legal system isn’t merely the result of a careful, deliberative adherence to the rule of law and the procedural protections necessary to do proper justice. It is also a product of a wariness in confronting Trump and his legions of supporters, an unreasonable tendency to give him the benefit of the doubt, the judiciary’s own overweening sense that it is above politics, and a fundamental failure to appreciate that a strongman who attempted to seize power unlawfully once is a threat to the very existence of the legal system itself.
Federal Judges Warn Of The Dire Threat To Democracy
When the legal system itself is under threat, it must respond with extraordinary measures that gird itself against attack but protect the rights of the individual defendant.
talkingpointsmemo.com
IMO, Garland bears responsibility for the proximity of the federal cases against the Orange Menace to the upcoming election because of his timidity. His reluctance to make the DoJ appear too political in the wake of Billy the Bagman's sycophantic reign caused an inexcusable delay in naming Jack Smith SC.
Putting that aside, Don is taking full advantage of the inherent deliberative speed with which the rule of law is carried out in the US. All the way fatuously claiming he is the victim of persecution. Nonsense, as eloquently stated by Judge Lamberth.
The former chief judge in DC warned last fall that we are “at a crossroads teetering on the brink of authoritarianism.” During the sentencing yesterday of Trump White House official Peter Navarro, U.S. District Judge Amit Mehta called bullshit on it being a “political prosecution.” Also yesterday, in the sentencing of a Jan. 6 rioter, U.S. District Judge Royce Lamberth, a long-serving Reagan appointee, let it rip:
The Court is accustomed to defendants who refuse to accept that they did anything wrong. But in my thirty-seven years on the bench, I cannot recall a time when such meritless justifications of criminal activity have gone mainstream. I have been dismayed to see distortions and outright falsehoods seep into the public consciousness. I have been shocked to watch some public figures try to rewrite history, claiming rioters behaved “in an orderly fashion” like ordinary tourists, or martyrizing convicted January 6 defendants as “political prisoners” or even, incredibly, “hostages.” That is all preposterous. But the Court fears that such destructive, misguided rhetoric could presage further danger to our country.
Clearly her fears have been realized.
Having the knowledge of whether Trump is guilty or innocent of trying to subvert the Constitution in the eyes of a jury prior to the election is what Trump is trying to prevent. And he is having some success by using every means at his disposal to do so. He is trying to run out the clock in the hope he is elected and then uses his authority to have the cases dropped. He is trying to deny that justice be served while asking the public to make him the next prez.