Osiris-ODS
Diamond Member
- Jan 22, 2019
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I never stated in any conclusive fashion that hearsay is always allowed. You, however, have stated it cannot be considered evidence.
I can call Dershowitz wrong if I want. It’s a free country. He’s made a career at help rich and famous people evade the consequences of their actions. He’s doing it again. If all you have is an appeal to authority, I guess you’ve run out of arguments.
The Senate can’t see through anything. The Republicans firmly have their eyes shut and trying to prevent having to see any evidence against Trump. They’re operating out of a desire to remain ignorant.
1. I'm assuming that the senate votes to exclude "all hearsay evidence". That basically removes Article-1 and the "abuse of power" claim.
2. You can call Dershowitz wrong, but most senators would value his opinion over yours. If you read both articles you see that the president does have the constitutional right to take the House subpoenas to court, and that is NOT IMPEACHABLE, it is NOT "obstruction of the House". Article 2 is DOA.
They can vote to remove all hearsay evidence if they choose. Doing so would be a violation of their oath of impartiality.
Dershowitz helped Epstein avoid paying for his actions. He got OJ off the hook for murder. Tell me why they should listen to him.
Show me where the Constitution says that Trump can fight subpoenas in court because I can show you where the Constitution says they can impeach him.
1. How would voting to disallow hearsay evidence violate any oath of impartiality? That is standard practice for evidence, its also in the whistleblower law. Article-1 is dead.
2. You seem to be forgetting that the Constitution says exactly what the USSC says it says. If the USSC says that Trump has the right to take House subpoenas to court, like the House's tax subpoena, then that is what the Constitution says, period. Article-2 is still dead.
The transcript is not "hearsay evidence". Sondland, Vindland and Volker are not "hearsay witnesses". John Bolton is not a "hearsay witness". Lev Parnas is not a "hearsay witness". Maria Yovanavich is not a "hearsay witness".
Neither article is dead, and once again you're not defending the President's actions, you're aruging what - the witnesses aren''t adequate, what. Tossing out lies to confuse the issues.
Why can't you defend what Trump did? Why are you only going after process? Why is no one saying that Trump did a good thing trying to extort the Ukranian President.
Except the only witness with any direct communication with Trump to testify on this issue to date (Sonland) testified only that it was his "belief" that Trump wanted to tie the money to the Burisma investigation, but when pressed, he testified that he asked Trump what he wanted, and Trump told him "I want nothing, I want no quid pro quo, tell Zelenski to do the right thing."
The testimony of the other witnesses was based on a series of further and further downstream communication starting with Sonland's "belief," which comes across like an example of the game Telephone. By way of example, Bill Taylor's basis for his "clear understanding" in his opening statement was essentially as follows:
Ambassador Taylor recalls that Mr. Morrison told Ambassador Taylor that I told Mr. Morrison that I had conveyed this message to Mr. Yermak on September 1, 2019, in connection with Vice President Pence’s visit to Warsaw and a meeting with President Zelensky"Um, what?
As Jordan aptly put it, “We got six people having four conversations in one sentence, and you just told me this is where you got your clear understanding.”
And since you will predictably claim I'm making up the above referenced Sonland testimony, here's the video (very short) of his testimony to that effect so you can listen to Sonland saying this from his own lips:
Republicans: None of the witnesses have direct first hand knowledge.
Dems: So let’s talk to witnesses with direct first hand knowledge.
Republicans: No.
You're conflating apples and oranges. As a matter of proper legal evidentiary predicate, the testimony given to date, other than Sonland, is inadmissible in a federal proceeding under Rule 802. It is an entirely separate point that even if, arguendo, the testimony of people like Bill Taylor were sufficient to establish the position being advanced by Democrats, it still does not raise a valid impeachable offense warranting removal from office under Article II, Section IV of the Constitution.