Seawytch
Information isnt Advocacy
Are you trying to tell me that the couple who sued a photographer for not photographing their commitment ceremony do not have an agenda? How else do you explain their insistence on making someone who did not want to attend their wedding to show up and take pictures?
Unless you are going to try and argue that no one has an agenda, I suggest you shut the fuck up. Even if I assume that you don't have an agenda, which would mean I have to assume you are dumber than dog shit, that does not prove that no one has one.
Yes, their "agenda" is to be treated equally. The law in their state requires that services be provided regardless of race, gender, religion and sexual orientation. 13 states have them. If you object to offering services to "the gheys", don't open a business in those states.
A Unique Religious Exemption From Antidiscrimination Laws in the Case of Gays? Putting the Call for Exemptions for Those Who Discriminate Against Married or Marrying Gays in Context
Let me get this straight, you are defending your position that the Constitution makes it impossible to sue clergy for not marrying gays by linking to column that argues that it doesn't?
Assume a state law bans discrimination based on sexual orientation, as well as based on race and gender, in housing, employment, and public accommodations. If gays were discriminated against based on sexual orientation in one of these areas, in violation of the state law, should those with religious objections be exempt from civil damages or injunctions for their violation of the law? If so, when? Should the exemption be constitutionally required? Under the rule in Employment Division v. Smith, the answer to the constitutional question is no.
Since a federal constitutional exemption from state laws is not available (and the RFRA could not constitutionally be applied to the states), should the legislature engraft a religious or moral exemption onto its antidiscrimination statutes solely in the case of discrimination based on sexual orientation? Should it pass state constitutional amendments doing the same thing?
In connection with gay marriage, the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty answers this question, Yes. The Funds examples of conflict with sincere religious beliefs include religious objectors who decide not to hire people in same-sex marriages, who refuse to extend spousal benefits to same-sex couples, and who refuse to provide otherwise available housing to same-sex couples.[52] After listing these examples, the Fund advocates legislation to provide robust accommodation to religious objectors to same-sex marriage.[53] It also would expand the exemption to other conscientious objectors.[54] Since the Fund also lists gay couples,[55] it seems its plan may end up going beyond gay marriage. As a matter of logic it is hard to see why it should stop at married gays and not include gays living with their partners and single gays.
Assuming the state has a general antidiscrimination law and the legislature passes a religious or moral exemption only in cases of sexual orientation, what should be the dimensions of the claimed religiously or morally justified right to discriminate against gays? Should the right to discriminate be limited only to immediately facilitating the gay marriage itselfbaking the wedding cake, providing the flowers, supplying the hotel for the receptions, and so on? Should it, as the Fund apparently advocates, include the right to discriminate against married gays after the marriage? Should it, as the Fund advocates, cover housing, employment, and spousal benefits such as health insurance? What about gays living with partners and unmarried gays?
If the Fund is correct about exemptions for discrimination against married and marrying gays, and if the right to discriminate expands to cover unmarried as well as married gays (why not, by this logic?), should the state or Congress also, as a matter of sound policy, provide religious or moral exemptions in cases of racial, religious, and gender discrimination? Here we look at legislative policy decisions in commercial transactions, not at what the Constitution requires or provides.
If discrimination based on sexual orientation is closely analogous to discrimination based on race and gender, the policy answer to the questions should be the same: exemptions should be allowed to religious discriminators in race, gender, and sexual orientation cases or exemptions should be denied to religious discriminators in each case. Should religiously motivated objectors to laws banning race (and gender) discrimination in employment and discrimination in public accommodations, for example, have been exempt from the strictures of the laws? As a matter of public policy, should the 1964 Civil Rights Actwhich banned discrimination based on race, religion, national origin, or sex in employmenthave allowed religiously motivated objectors to discriminate against blacks or women or Buddhists? Should those with religious or moral motivations have been exempt from the ban on discrimination in public accommodations under the 1964 Civil Rights Act?
At the moment, those who advocate exemptions focus on gay marriage. Should religious objectors to interracial marriage now be allowed to (and, after Loving v. Virginia, should they in the past have been allowed to) discriminate against interracial couples in employment, housing, spousal benefits, and the rest? If not, why is gay marriage unique? More broadly, why is discrimination against gays unique?
Since I think discrimination based on sexual orientation is closely analogous to racial and gender discrimination, I turn next to that question.
Did you even read the link you posted?
When are you going to admit you are wrong?
No it didn't. Read it again.