C_Clayton_Jones
Diamond Member
Landmark's Amicus Brief on Obamacare
This brief reads like an op-ed piece from a Heritage Foundation blog author.
The individual mandate isn't intended or designed to raise revenue. That's a misconception.
Correct.
But see? This is what they are arguing...it is NOW a TAX...before it was a TAX...Nevermind it forces Commerce...or go to jail for not participating.
Incorrect.
The ACA has no provisions for criminal prosecution whatsoever:
[T]hen, the Act does not treat the mandate like a tax, as it prohibits the IRS
from using its most salient enforcement tools in collecting the penalty. The IRS may not
place a lien on the property of an individual who does not comply with the mandate and
does not pay a penalty. See id. § 5000A(g)(2)(B). Not so for individuals who fail to pay
their taxes. See id. § 6321. The IRS may not use its “levy” authority, prohibiting it from
garnishing wages or seizing property from individuals who fail to obtain insurance. See
id. § 5000A(g)(2)(B). Not so for individuals who fail to pay their taxes. See id. § 6331.
And the IRS may not initiate a criminal prosecution against individuals who fail to buy
insurance. See id. § 5000A(g)(2)(A). Not so for individuals who fail to pay their taxes.
See id. § 7201. As it turns out, all the IRS may do to enforce the penalty is set off unpaid
penalties against an individual’s refund (if there is one) or launch a civil action against
the individual. See id. §§ 6402(a), 6502(a), 7401 et seq.
The Thomas More Law Center case provides an excellent outline as to what the Court will review.
The Court will review the issue of ‘presumed constitutionality’:
The minimum coverage provision, like all congressional enactments, is entitled
to a “presumption of constitutionality,” and will be invalidated only upon a “plain
showing that Congress has exceeded its constitutional bounds.” United States v.
Morrison, 529 U.S. 598, 607 (2000). The presumption that the minimum coverage
provision is valid is “not a mere polite gesture. It is a deference due to deliberate
judgment by constitutional majorities of the two Houses of Congress that an Act is
within their delegated power . . . .” United States v. Five Gambling Devices, 346 U.S.
441, 449 (1953).
Constitutional case law and precedent:
Recognizing that uniform federal regulation is necessary in some instances, the
Commerce Clause of the Constitution grants Congress the power “[t]o regulate
commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian
Tribes.” U.S. Const. Art. I, § 8, cl. 3. The Supreme Court has held that Congress has
broad authority to regulate under the Commerce Clause. From 1937 to 1994 it did not
invalidate a single law as unconstitutional for exceeding the scope of Congress’s
Commerce Power. The Court has explained that Congress’s Commerce Clause power
encompasses three broad spheres: (1) “the use of the channels of interstate commerce”;
(2) “the instrumentalities of interstate commerce, or persons or things in interstate
commerce”; and (3) “those activities having a substantial relation to interstate
commerce, . . . i.e., those activities that substantially affect interstate commerce.” Lopez,
514 U.S. at 558-59.
Why the individual mandate is Constitutional:
By regulating the practice of self-insuring for the cost of health care delivery, the
minimum coverage provision is facially constitutional under the Commerce Clause for
two independent reasons. First, the provision regulates economic activity that Congress
had a rational basis to believe has substantial effects on interstate commerce. In
addition, Congress had a rational basis to believe that the provision was essential to its
larger economic scheme reforming the interstate markets in health care and health
insurance.
And the issue of ‘regulating inactivity’:
Thomas More argues that the minimum coverage provision exceeds Congress’s
power under the Commerce Clause because it regulates inactivity. However, the text of
the Commerce Clause does not acknowledge a constitutional distinction between activity
and inactivity, and neither does the Supreme Court. Furthermore, far from regulating
inactivity, the provision regulates active participation in the health care market.
[F]ar from regulating inactivity, the minimum coverage provision regulates individuals who are, in the aggregate, active in the health care market. The Supreme Court has stated that “when it is necessary in order to prevent an evil to make the law embrace more than the precise thing to be prevented [Congress] may do so.” Westfall v. United States, 274 U.S. 256, 259 (1927). The vast majority of individuals are active in the market for health care delivery because of two unique characteristics of this market: (1) virtually everyone requires health care services at some unpredictable point; and (2) individuals receive health care services regardless of ability to pay.
Virtually everyone will need health care services at some point, including, in the
aggregate, those without health insurance. Even dramatic attempts to protect one’s
health and minimize the need for health care will not always be successful, and the
health care market is characterized by unpredictable and unavoidable needs for care.
Health insurance is available to everyone. Like any other commodity, it has to be purchased. Those that cannot afford coverage have a number of options available in the form of social programs. We do not need another expensive and impossible to administer entitlement plan.
As Judge Sutton correctly noted in Thomas More Law Center, just because a law is bad, doesn’t mean it’s un-Constitutional. The remedy is legislative, not judicial.
It’s also incorrect that ‘[t]hose that cannot afford coverage have a number of options available in the form of social programs.’ Adults between the ages of 18 and 65 with no deprived minor children and are not established disabled by the Social Security Administration or by a given state’s disability unit are not eligible for Medicaid or any other medical program.
The ACA law IS a tax.
The ACA is not a tax:
The individual mandate is a regulatory penalty, not a revenue-raising tax, for
several reasons. First, that is what Congress said. It called the sanction for failing to
obtain medical insurance a “penalty,” not a tax. Words matter, and it is fair to assume
that Congress knows the difference between a tax and a penalty, between its taxing and
commerce powers, making it appropriate to take Congress at its word. That is all the
more true in an era when elected officials are not known for casually discussing, much
less casually increasing, taxes. When was the last time a candidate for elective office
promised not to raise “penalties”?
Second, the legislative findings in the Act show that Congress invoked its
commerce power, not its taxing authority. “The individual responsibility requirement,”
Congress explained, “is commercial and economic in nature, and substantially affects
interstate commerce . . . . ” 42 U.S.C. § 18091(a)(1). Other findings come to the same
end.
Link for the cited above:
http://www.ca6.uscourts.gov/opinions.pdf/11a0168p-06.pdf
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