Lonestar_logic
Republic of Texas
- May 13, 2009
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Well, simply put, the Framers wrote a constitution designed to protect individual liberties (including the right to keep and bear arms) and curtail the power of the federal government two years before the Bill of Rights was even drafted and four years before it went into effect. James Wilson, James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and others all explained at length why a bill of rights was unnecessary, and how the Constitution protected our rights even in the absence of such a bill:
For why declare that things shall not be done [as in a bill of rights] which there is no power to do? Why for instance, should it be said, that the liberty of the press shall not be restrained, when no power is given by which restrictions may be imposed? (Alexander Hamilton, Federalist No. 84, emphasis added.)
In other words, the Constitution contains no provisions ceding to the federal government a persons right to keep and bear arms; thus the federal government has no authority to infringe in this area. Additionally, again from Hamilton in Federalist No. 84,
There remains but one other view of this matter to conclude the point. The truth is, after all the declamation we have heard, that the constitution is itself in every rational sense, and to every useful purpose, A BILL OF RIGHTS [capital letters in original].
Again, who gives a fuck what the Founding Slave-Rapists thought? Frankly, I'm tired of things running so badly because we limit our thinking to what these idiots thought.
Practical matter- the two reasons you gun nuts give for wanting guns are downright silly.
A gun in the home is 43 times more likely to kill a member of the household than a bad guy. Proven. Scientific. Fact. You might as well protect your family with a rabid pit bull. It would have about the same effect.
The other even sillier reason you guys give is that you need them to overthrow the government some day. Like most of you would get off your fat asses to do that, but even so, the government will always have more guns, bigger guns and be a lot better at using them.
And when they do come after you, most of your neighbors will be cheering because you were scaring the children.
In October 1993, the New England Journal of Medicine published an article by Arthur Kellermann et al. which was widely received as the definitive statement of the proposition that firearms kept in the home not only fail to increase the security of the household, but actually are a risk factor for becoming a victim of homicide. This 1993 paper followed an earlier (1986) effort by Kellermann and Donald Reay, also published in the New England Journal of Medicine, which is the source of the most famous statistic in the gun control debate: that a firearm kept in the home is 43 times more likely to be used to kill a member of the household than to kill a criminal intruder.
Evaluation of the 1986 study. There are at least two important difficulties with the 1986 study and the "43 times" statistic to which it gave rise. The first, often-overlooked problem is that more than 85 percent of the Kellermann-Reay gunshot victims were suicides and not victims of domestic quarrels. The instrumentality-dependency of suicide is a hotly debated topic, but at present the evidence is very thin for the hypothesis that any appreciable portion of observed suicides is a function of the availability of firearms.
It is always possible, but remains entirely conjectural, that a handy firearm does raise the rate of suicide. If so, this would be an example of the "Zimring-Cook" effect--the proposition that a certain percentage of fatal incidents begin ambiguously so far as the intentions of the actor are concerned, and result in death only because an almost-always deadly weapon like a gun is ready at hand.
It may well be true that a Zimring-Cook effect occurs in some contexts, but it is difficult to see why suicide would be one of them. Internationally, rates of suicide appear to be quite independent both of gun control laws and patterns of firearms ownership in civilian populations. Very high rates of suicide are found, for example, in firearms-free populations like Japan--but of course the rates of suicide in such places might be even higher if firearms were more readily available. And low rates of suicide are found in such relatively well-armed jurisdictions as Israel and New Zealand--but of course those rates might be still lower were firearms absent. Such prospects are impossible to rule out with existing research techniques.
If, as a concession to plausibility, one eliminates the suicide data from the 1986 Kellermann-Reay study, the "43 times" statistic is transfigured into one less imposing: a firearm kept in the home is six times more likely to be used to kill a member of the household than to kill a criminal intruder. But even this number is of precarious significance, for it embodies the dubious assumption that comparing "body counts" is a meaningful way to report the usefulness of firearms.
Comparative body counts are not ordinarily used to measure the utility of firearms or the use of force. One does not measure the effectiveness of a police department, for example, by comparing the number of officers and criminals killed over some time period. Rather, one asks what effect the police have had on the rate of crime. Similarly, one should not compare the number of burglars or other intruders and civilians killed by domestic firearms, but rather ask how many burglars or other intruders were driven away or deterred by the firearm.
Any meaningful tally of firearms "use" must include not merely the fraction of cases in which someone was killed, but also cases in which there was a wounding and, for that matter, the probably much larger number of cases in which a weapon was used simply to threaten, but was not discharged at all. Indeed, the case is broader even than that. We should also try to estimate the number of crimes that did not occur at all because of the prospect of meeting armed resistance. Research by criminologist Don Kates offers reason to believe that the probability of encountering an armed defender does enter into a potential criminal's calculations.
Evaluation of the 1993 study.
Gun Facts!