daveman
Diamond Member
Pay attention.And when he got back, he had POW records sealed -- dooming any of his fellow American servicemembers still being held.I read all the articles I need to """I like my heroes not captured""???....Because of his family they were going to free him ,,,,he refusedRead the article, dumbass -- unless you're chickenshit.By staying not going ??? That's selling out ?? The torture he went through ,,that's selling out?? and speaking of draft dodging ?? The scumbag trumps name comes up
He was a piece of shit. No wonder Democrats venerate him.
WTF are you babbling about now? McCain came home with the rest of the POWs. Sealing records? WTF, over?
The Pentagon had been withholding significant information from POW families for years. Whatâs more, the Pentagonâs POW/MIA operation had been publicly shamed by internal whistleblowers and POW families for holding back documents as part of a policy of âdebunkingâ POW intelligence even when the information was obviously credible.
The pressure from the families and Vietnam veterans finally forced the creation, in late 1991, of a Senate Select Committee on POW/MIA Affairs. The chairman was John Kerry. McCain, as a former POW, was its most pivotal member. In the end, the committee became part of the debunking machine.
One of the sharpest critics of the Pentagonâs performance was an insider, Air Force Lt. Gen. Eugene Tighe, who headed the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) during the 1970s. He openly challenged the Pentagonâs position that no live prisoners existed, saying that the evidence proved otherwise. McCain was a bitter opponent of Tighe, who was eventually pushed into retirement.
Included in the evidence that McCain and his government allies suppressed or sought to discredit is a transcript of a senior North Vietnamese generalâs briefing of the Hanoi politburo, discovered in Soviet archives by an American scholar in 1993. The briefing took place only four months before the 1973 peace accords. The general, Tran Van Quang, told the politburo members that Hanoi was holding 1,205 American prisoners but would keep many of them at warâs end as leverage to ensure getting war reparations from Washington.
Throughout the Paris negotiations, the North Vietnamese tied the prisoner issue tightly to the issue of reparations. They were adamant in refusing to deal with them separately. Finally, in a Feb. 2, 1973 formal letter to Hanoiâs premier, Pham Van Dong, Nixon pledged $3.25 billion in âpostwar reconstructionâ aid âwithout any political conditions.â But he also attached to the letter a codicil that said the aid would be implemented by each party âin accordance with its own constitutional provisions.â That meant Congress would have to approve the appropriation, and Nixon and Kissinger knew well that Congress was in no mood to do so. The North Vietnamese, whether or not they immediately understood the double-talk in the letter, remained skeptical about the reparations promise being honoredâand it never was. Hanoi thus appears to have held back prisonersâjust as it had done when the French were defeated at Dien Bien Phu in 1954 and withdrew their forces from Vietnam. In that case, France paid ransoms for prisoners and brought them home.
In a private briefing in 1992, high-level CIA officials told me that as the years passed and the ransom never came, it became more and more difficult for either government to admit that it knew from the start about the unacknowledged prisoners. Those prisoners had not only become useless as bargaining chips but also posed a risk to Hanoiâs desire to be accepted into the international community. The CIA officials said their intelligence indicated strongly that the remaining menâthose who had not died from illness or hard labor or tortureâwere eventually executed.
...
An early and critical McCain secrecy move involved 1990 legislation that started in the House of Representatives. A brief and simple document, it was called âthe Truth Billâ and would have compelled complete transparency about prisoners and missing men. Its core sentence reads: â[The] head of each department or agency which holds or receives any records and information, including live-sighting reports, which have been correlated or possibly correlated to United States personnel listed as prisoner of war or missing in action from World War II, the Korean conflict and the Vietnam conflict, shall make available to the public all such records held or received by that department or agency.â
Bitterly opposed by the Pentagon (and thus McCain), the bill went nowhere. Reintroduced the following year, it again disappeared. But a few months later, a new measure, known as âthe McCain Bill,âsuddenly appeared. By creating a bureaucratic maze from which only a fraction of the documents could emergeâonly records that revealed no POW secretsâit turned the Truth Bill on its head. The McCain bill became law in 1991 and remains so today. So crushing to transparency are its provisions that it actually spells out for the Pentagon and other agencies several rationales, scenarios, and justifications for not releasing any information at allâeven about prisoners discovered alive in captivity. Later that year, the Senate Select Committee was created, where Kerry and McCain ultimately worked together to bury evidence.
McCain was also instrumental in amending the Missing Service Personnel Act, which had been strengthened in 1995 by POW advocates to include criminal penalties, saying, âAny government official who knowingly and willfully withholds from the file of a missing person any information relating to the disappearance or whereabouts and status of a missing person shall be fined as provided in Title 18 or imprisoned not more than one year or both.â A year later, in a closed House-Senate conference on an unrelated military bill, McCain, at the behest of the Pentagon, attached a crippling amendment to the act, stripping out its only enforcement teeth, the criminal penalties, and reducing the obligations of commanders in the field to speedily search for missing men and to report the incidents to the Pentagon.
About the relaxation of POW/MIA obligations on commanders in the field, a public McCain memo said, âThis transfers the bureaucracy involved out of the [battle] field to Washington.â He wrote that the original legislation, if left intact, âwould accomplish nothing but create new jobs for lawyers and turn military commanders into clerks.â
McCain argued that keeping the criminal penalties would have made it impossible for the Pentagon to find staffers willing to work on POW/MIA matters. Thatâs an odd argument to make. Were staffers only âwilling to workâ if they were allowed to conceal POW records? By eviscerating the law, McCain gave his stamp of approval to the government policy of debunking the existence of live POWs.
McCain has insisted again and again that all the evidenceâdocuments, witnesses, satellite photos, two Pentagon chiefsâ sworn testimony, aborted rescue missions, ransom offers apparently scornedâhas been woven together by unscrupulous deceivers to create an insidious and unpatriotic myth. He calls it the âbizarre rantings of the MIA hobbyists.â He has regularly vilified those who keep trying to pry out classified documents as âhoaxers,â âcharlatans,â âconspiracy theorists,â and âdime-store Rambos.â
Some of McCainâs fellow captives at Hoa Lo prison in Hanoi didnât share his views about prisoners left behind. Before he died of leukemia in 1999, retired Col. Ted Guy, a highly admired POW and one of the most dogged resisters in the camps, wrote an angry open letter to the senator in an MIA newsletterâa response to McCainâs stream of insults hurled at MIA activists. Guy wrote, âJohn, does this [the insults] include Senator Bob Smith [a New Hampshire Republican and activist on POW issues] and other concerned elected officials? Does this include the families of the missing where there is overwhelming evidence that their loved ones were âlast known aliveâ? Does this include some of your fellow POWs?â
This is the man the left now venerates.The pressure from the families and Vietnam veterans finally forced the creation, in late 1991, of a Senate Select Committee on POW/MIA Affairs. The chairman was John Kerry. McCain, as a former POW, was its most pivotal member. In the end, the committee became part of the debunking machine.
One of the sharpest critics of the Pentagonâs performance was an insider, Air Force Lt. Gen. Eugene Tighe, who headed the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) during the 1970s. He openly challenged the Pentagonâs position that no live prisoners existed, saying that the evidence proved otherwise. McCain was a bitter opponent of Tighe, who was eventually pushed into retirement.
Included in the evidence that McCain and his government allies suppressed or sought to discredit is a transcript of a senior North Vietnamese generalâs briefing of the Hanoi politburo, discovered in Soviet archives by an American scholar in 1993. The briefing took place only four months before the 1973 peace accords. The general, Tran Van Quang, told the politburo members that Hanoi was holding 1,205 American prisoners but would keep many of them at warâs end as leverage to ensure getting war reparations from Washington.
Throughout the Paris negotiations, the North Vietnamese tied the prisoner issue tightly to the issue of reparations. They were adamant in refusing to deal with them separately. Finally, in a Feb. 2, 1973 formal letter to Hanoiâs premier, Pham Van Dong, Nixon pledged $3.25 billion in âpostwar reconstructionâ aid âwithout any political conditions.â But he also attached to the letter a codicil that said the aid would be implemented by each party âin accordance with its own constitutional provisions.â That meant Congress would have to approve the appropriation, and Nixon and Kissinger knew well that Congress was in no mood to do so. The North Vietnamese, whether or not they immediately understood the double-talk in the letter, remained skeptical about the reparations promise being honoredâand it never was. Hanoi thus appears to have held back prisonersâjust as it had done when the French were defeated at Dien Bien Phu in 1954 and withdrew their forces from Vietnam. In that case, France paid ransoms for prisoners and brought them home.
In a private briefing in 1992, high-level CIA officials told me that as the years passed and the ransom never came, it became more and more difficult for either government to admit that it knew from the start about the unacknowledged prisoners. Those prisoners had not only become useless as bargaining chips but also posed a risk to Hanoiâs desire to be accepted into the international community. The CIA officials said their intelligence indicated strongly that the remaining menâthose who had not died from illness or hard labor or tortureâwere eventually executed.
...
An early and critical McCain secrecy move involved 1990 legislation that started in the House of Representatives. A brief and simple document, it was called âthe Truth Billâ and would have compelled complete transparency about prisoners and missing men. Its core sentence reads: â[The] head of each department or agency which holds or receives any records and information, including live-sighting reports, which have been correlated or possibly correlated to United States personnel listed as prisoner of war or missing in action from World War II, the Korean conflict and the Vietnam conflict, shall make available to the public all such records held or received by that department or agency.â
Bitterly opposed by the Pentagon (and thus McCain), the bill went nowhere. Reintroduced the following year, it again disappeared. But a few months later, a new measure, known as âthe McCain Bill,âsuddenly appeared. By creating a bureaucratic maze from which only a fraction of the documents could emergeâonly records that revealed no POW secretsâit turned the Truth Bill on its head. The McCain bill became law in 1991 and remains so today. So crushing to transparency are its provisions that it actually spells out for the Pentagon and other agencies several rationales, scenarios, and justifications for not releasing any information at allâeven about prisoners discovered alive in captivity. Later that year, the Senate Select Committee was created, where Kerry and McCain ultimately worked together to bury evidence.
McCain was also instrumental in amending the Missing Service Personnel Act, which had been strengthened in 1995 by POW advocates to include criminal penalties, saying, âAny government official who knowingly and willfully withholds from the file of a missing person any information relating to the disappearance or whereabouts and status of a missing person shall be fined as provided in Title 18 or imprisoned not more than one year or both.â A year later, in a closed House-Senate conference on an unrelated military bill, McCain, at the behest of the Pentagon, attached a crippling amendment to the act, stripping out its only enforcement teeth, the criminal penalties, and reducing the obligations of commanders in the field to speedily search for missing men and to report the incidents to the Pentagon.
About the relaxation of POW/MIA obligations on commanders in the field, a public McCain memo said, âThis transfers the bureaucracy involved out of the [battle] field to Washington.â He wrote that the original legislation, if left intact, âwould accomplish nothing but create new jobs for lawyers and turn military commanders into clerks.â
McCain argued that keeping the criminal penalties would have made it impossible for the Pentagon to find staffers willing to work on POW/MIA matters. Thatâs an odd argument to make. Were staffers only âwilling to workâ if they were allowed to conceal POW records? By eviscerating the law, McCain gave his stamp of approval to the government policy of debunking the existence of live POWs.
McCain has insisted again and again that all the evidenceâdocuments, witnesses, satellite photos, two Pentagon chiefsâ sworn testimony, aborted rescue missions, ransom offers apparently scornedâhas been woven together by unscrupulous deceivers to create an insidious and unpatriotic myth. He calls it the âbizarre rantings of the MIA hobbyists.â He has regularly vilified those who keep trying to pry out classified documents as âhoaxers,â âcharlatans,â âconspiracy theorists,â and âdime-store Rambos.â
Some of McCainâs fellow captives at Hoa Lo prison in Hanoi didnât share his views about prisoners left behind. Before he died of leukemia in 1999, retired Col. Ted Guy, a highly admired POW and one of the most dogged resisters in the camps, wrote an angry open letter to the senator in an MIA newsletterâa response to McCainâs stream of insults hurled at MIA activists. Guy wrote, âJohn, does this [the insults] include Senator Bob Smith [a New Hampshire Republican and activist on POW issues] and other concerned elected officials? Does this include the families of the missing where there is overwhelming evidence that their loved ones were âlast known aliveâ? Does this include some of your fellow POWs?â