jc456
Diamond Member
- Dec 18, 2013
- 139,245
- 29,154
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What you gonna do when the house rushed it through and didn't do it correctly?the new evidence that came out from the emails the gvt had to release due to some non heard of non profit's FOIA Law suit for them... near all the emails and documents subpoenaed by the House were requested by this group and another non profit judicial watch like group in a freedom of information act request.... THEY GOT THEM... while the whitehouse refused to even acknowledge the House request.... well, the Friday after impeachment they got their first batch and a new additional batch released every two weeks of the docs requested.... it is still going on, another non profit had to sue to get the heavy redactions removed, and the court ruled in their favor too.... lots of evidence and revelations in there...again, if I'm a senator, I merely point to the fact that two articles were walked over after a vote. having had witnesses testify to them and voted on. Anything more than that is against the job of the senate. either, the articles were legit or not. Can't have further witnesses. If they need more witnesses, then they are not legitimate and should be dismissed. Hand them back and tell the schitts and pelosers to go get the witnesses they need and see you back. The failure is therefore at the hands of schitt's and peloser.They don't really want wittiness's they want the GOP to say no to them so they can call the senate corrupt....
for fk sake, can't there be at least one mthr fking congressional person who knows our constitution?
What a bizarre concept of yours.
In a court of law, the prosecutor does not stop investigating the defendant once he has filed charges, he continues to search and find more New relevant evidence all the way to and thru, the trial.
After all, the truth is what everyone is in search for, in any criminal or civil trial. What if new evidence was found by the defence lawyers in a case, was found during the trial that would help exonerate a Defendant? Could they not present it because the trial already started?
And what new evidence was that ?
John Bolton ?
Asserting what had already been asserted. He had no more weight than anyone else.
So please keep dreaming.
This was all an interpretation by the left to their benefit.
They then ran a Schitt-stained hearing that should have lasted longer (and allowed the GOP to question witnesses as much as they wanted).
Even Johnathan Turley indicated it was the house that was abusing power (but you knew that).
And all the Lev Parnas videos and emails that the Court ruled in a suit that the SDNY who is prosecuting him for campaign finance laws broken and had possession of them and refused initially to release them back to him, so he could give them to Congress as evidence, was won by him in court, so those were released given to the House Committees... lots and lots of stuff that filled in a lot of loose ends with Rudy and the administration and the Ukraine govt connections, with emails and video to back the alleged felon up...on his wild claims..... ( he would not be believed, without the physical evidence...)
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i disagree with Turley... not completely, but in part....
I was reading today in an article, that the reason the founders left things so open for Congress and the Senate to determine each impeachment individually, was because each impeachment could be drastically different, though the charges may be the same... I can't explain it well, but the article was very informative and I found myself reading every word of it, as lengthy as it was.... I think it makes sense and you likely would think the same if you read it....here is just a small part of it, there is so much more t the link! read it! please
Amid the grandstanding in the House of Representatives, one key point can sometimes get lost: While impeachment is certainly a political process, it is not a purely political one. The judgments that Congress makes throughout the process are substantially but not entirely constrained by legal standards set out in the Constitution.
If impeachment were a purely political process, Congress could legitimately impeach and remove a president from office for any reason or no reason at all. This would make impeachment akin to a vote of no confidence in a parliamentary system, where the legislature can at any time remove its chosen prime minister—albeit with a heightened requirement for removal in the Senate. Conversely, if impeachment were a purely legal process, Congress’s sole function would be to determine the facts and apply the relevant legal standards to those facts to determine whether the president has committed an impeachable offense.
One way to understand how law and politics intersect throughout the impeachment process, therefore, is with this test: Imagine that a particular member of the House or the Senate believes that there is a “correct” legal answer to the question of whether, on the evidence before Congress, the president has committed an impeachable offense. Can they properly vote the other way? Can they vote, in other words, against the evidence? By applying this test to the different stages of the impeachment process, one can see which aspects of the decision to impeach a president are political in nature and which are legal.
Before examining each of the different scenarios, let’s consider the constitutional arguments on each side of the question. Even beyond the supermajority threshold for removal, the Constitution rather clearly rejects the view that impeachment is just a political vote of no confidence. The text consistently describes impeachment using legalistic language, empowering the Senate to “try” “Cases of Impeachment” and render a “Judgment” of “Conviction.” And the Framers famously rejected a proposal allowing the president’s removal for mere “maladministration,” substituting the more legalistic phrase high Crimes and Misdemeanors. The message is clear: Impeachment is an adjudicative process to determine whether the president has committed a certain kind of offense.
Frank O. Bowman III: The common misconception about ‘high crimes and misdemeanors’
However, impeachment is clearly unlike other purely legal proceedings. Most significantly, it is conducted by Congress, a quintessentially political body. Grand and petit juries, which play analogous roles to the House and the Senate in ordinary criminal trials, are made up of private citizens who are not accountable to public opinion. An early draft of the Constitution placed the trial of impeachment in the Supreme Court. Most scholars today agree that impeachment cases cannot even be appealed to the Article III courts; the Senate’s judgment is absolutely final. It is not to be presumed that the Constitution would have committed impeachment to elected branches if the Framers had wanted the process uncontaminated by politics.
And although high Crimes and Misdemeanors seems to rule out a purely political process, it does not make evaluating whether presidential conduct warrants impeachment straightforward. Scholars generally agree that high Crimes and Misdemeanors does not simply mean ordinary criminal violations. Instead, it is at least largely concerned with abuse of power. And determining whether someone has abused their authority is not a straightforward legal judgment like whether a defendant has committed each element of a statutory crime. Nor is there a clear standard for which abuses of power are so grave that they require removal from office. As Alexander Hamilton noted in “Federalist No. 65,” impeachment “can never be tied down by such strict rules” as those in ordinary criminal trials. Even answering the legal questions of impeachment requires what he called an “awful discretion.”
Even Impeachment Has to Follow the Rules
Blame it on the demofks.