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Israel's War Against Hamas - Updates

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Muslims quoting Quran to predict Israel's demise - but meanwhile they prove the Jewish claim to the Temple Mount!




I've been seeing a bunch of articles in Arabic about how the Quran predicted the defeat of the Jews and are trying to shoehorn it into what is happening in Gaza today.

They all seem to quote Quran chapter 17, verses 4-8:


4. And We conveyed to the Children of Israel in the Scripture: You will commit evil on earth twice, and you will rise to a great height.

5. When the first of the two promises came true, We sent against you servants of Ours, possessing great might, and they ransacked your homes. It was a promise fulfilled.

6. Then We gave you back your turn against them, and supplied you with wealth and children, and made you more numerous.

7. If you work righteousness, you work righteousness for yourselves; and if you commit evil, you do so against yourselves. Then, when the second promise comes true, they will make your faces filled with sorrow, and enter the Temple as they entered it the first time, and utterly destroy all that falls into their power.

8. Perhaps your Lord will have mercy on you. But if you revert, We will revert. We have made Hell a prison for the disbelievers.

As this article on Gulf365 says:


Most scholars believed that the first corruption of the Children of Israel passed and ended a long time ago, and that the second corruption is what we are experiencing now with the Zionist occupation of the lands of Palestine and the corruption and destruction of the crops and offspring associated with it, and that the Muslims are the ones who will disgrace the faces of the Jews, and will enter Al-Aqsa Mosque as they entered it the first time.

Most scholars held that the second corruption of the Children of Israel is the Jews’ current occupation of the land of Palestine and their corruption therein, and Sheikh Metwally Al-Shaarawi followed this opinion in his interpretation, as he affirmed that the second corruption of the Children of Israel is “what we are dealing with now, where the Jews will gather in one homeland to fulfill the promise so Allah may eliminate them... This is what is meant by the Almighty’s saying: “When the promise of the Hereafter comes, We will bring you in a group” [Al-Isra: 104], meaning: gathering some of you together from various countries, and this is what is happening now on the land of Palestine.

I don't pretend to be a Quranic scholar, but the verse clearly refers to the Temple - even though the Arabic word is Masjid, it clearly refers to the Jewish Temple because that symbolized the Jewish people's first defeat. And this is the chapter of the Quran that refers to Mohammed's "night journey" allegedly to the Temple Mount in Jerusalem, so both the Quran and the modern scholars quoted clearly consider the mosque on the Temple Mount to be the same as the Jewish Temple - which Palestinians strenuously deny.

Nice to know that they know the truth about who really was in Jerusalem first.

(It may be worth researching further the apparent use of plural to refer to Allah in these verses. Maybe Islam isn't as monotheistic as is claimed. But that is a separate issue.)




 
A thought has been worming its way uncomfortably through my mind since Oct. 7. What if peace is impossible? What if there is literally no way to reach a lasting accord? What if one side will settle for nothing less than the destruction of the other?

My doubts began in the immediate aftermath of the atrocity as I watched the reaction of some Palestinians and some of their sympathizers, not least in the West. On that dreadful Saturday evening, there had as yet been no Israeli response. Protesters did not have the (perfectly reasonable) argument that the participants in later demonstrations had, namely that they were defending human rights in Gaza. No, this was exultation in the murder of Israelis, pure and simple.

C.S. Lewis remarked that when the lights are flicked on suddenly, we see where the rats are hiding, and we saw them on Oct. 7. The Hamas volunteers boasting about rape and murder. The leftist academics queuing up to tell us that decolonization was not a metaphor. The delirious crowds celebrating the “resistance.”

These people were not demanding a two-state solution or calling for a different line on the map (the kibbutzim where the horrors took place were not settlements). They must have known, on some level, that the attacks would ensure a terrible retaliation. Yet they did not care as long as a blow had been struck against Israel. As one British-Arab TV reporter put it: “Nothing will ever be able to take back this moment, this moment of triumph, this moment of resistance, this moment of surprise, this moment of humiliation on behalf of the Zionist entity — nothing ever.”

Israelis have heard such talk before. Indeed, in one sense, the history of their country has been a series of struggles against neighbors who would rather fight than share. Since the 1937 Peel Commission, various plans have been put forward providing for partition. All of them have been rejected by Palestinians, who were happier to risk losing everything in a war than to accept the existence of a Jewish state.

In 1948 and again in 1967, coalitions of Arab armies attacked Israel with the declared purpose of annihilating it. “Our basic objective will be to destroy Israel,” Col. Nasser told a cheering crowd just before the Six-Day War started.

The calamities that have befallen the Palestinians stem from defeat in those two wars. Occupation, humiliation, hunger, emigration, and the failure, unique in the story of refugees, to be allowed to become citizens of many of their new lands (in marked contrast to 700,000-odd Jews who fled from Arab nations and who immediately became Israelis).

As the decades passed, and Israel’s existence no longer looked contingent, there was a hope that Palestinians might accept what their grandfathers had rejected, namely a division of the land. From 1993, the Palestinian territories began to acquire the attributes of statehood: a president, a parliament, a passport, postal stamps, police officers. Full sovereignty was due to follow, with land swaps giving the Palestinian Authority control over roughly the same territory as pre-1967, East Jerusalem as a capital, and the evacuation of many Jewish settlements on the West Bank. Instead, in 2000, Palestinian leaders rejected the deal and declared the second intifada (uprising).

It was, once again, calamitous in its consequences for the Palestinian people, 3,000 of whom were killed in the ensuing violence. The last chance for such a favorable deal evaporated as Israel began to fortify its position on the West Bank and to encourage further settlement.

Now, tragically, Israel has an annihilationist tendency of its own — people, that is, who have concluded from all this history that there is simply no way to live with Palestinians as neighbors and that the solution lies in removing them to other Arab countries.

Peace deals happen when both sides see the proposed settlement as less bad than carrying on fighting. Often, one side has defeated the other, but both must still see the terms as preferable to continuing the war. If one side is primarily committed to the other’s eradication, if it would rather suffer harm than cease to inflict it, then peace is impossible.

On paper, it is possible to see all sorts of deals. But we need to face up to the fact that none of them has been accepted. Perhaps, instead of projecting our own reasonableness onto the belligerents, we need to face up to the uncomfortable possibility that they are marching to an older and harsher drum. If they are not primarily interested in a normal and peaceful future, it doesn’t much matter what the rest of us say.


 
Hamas wouldn’t likely gamble its future on one major attack. The actions of its leadership and Iran since October 7 suggest a more complex goal. Hamas first gained popularity in the late 1980s and early 1990s, opposing the Oslo Accords and seeking to benefit from the Palestinian Intifada that began in 1987. Hamas presented a political Islamic alternative to the secular nationalist Fatah party. Hamas also became more violent as time went on, ousting Fatah from Gaza and stockpiling thousands of rockets. However, its goal is to rule over the Palestinians, not just Gaza. If the war in Gaza goes well for Israel, Hamas leaders could nevertheless see a kind of Pyrrhic victory. Palestinian Authority leader Mahmoud Abbas is aging. He was born in 1935. While his security forces enjoy U.S. and Western backing, he has already lost control of some Palestinian towns and cities in the West Bank over the last year. Jenin, for instance, is now the scene of clashes between Iranian-backed Palestinian Islamic Jihad and the IDF. The Palestinian Authority struggles to maintain its rule.

After Israel defeats Hamas in Gaza, there will be questions about whether the PA can run Gaza. Gaza could end up being too much of a piece to chew on, and it could result in both Israel and the PA getting entrenched in the Gaza Strip in a complex, chaotic conflict. There is talk of what comes nextin Gaza, and Israel and the Palestinian Authority are sending mixed messages. Hamas could leverage this chaos to re-enter the West Bank as it leveraged the Oslo peace accords to launch a campaign of attacks in the 1990s. The current trend in the Middle East is that countries such as Turkey, Russia, China, and Iran appear more sympathetic to Hamas. The joint Arab League and Islamic summit in Riyadh didn’t showcase backing for the Palestinian Authority or Abbas in Ramallah.

While it doesn’t appear that Hamas has a foothold in the West Bank yet, the overall trend already sees Hamas taking advantage of the war in Gaza to get foreign backing abroad. This has included major protests in the West and the extraordinary meetings Haniyeh has attended in the region. The end goal of Hamas may be to draw Israel into a quagmire in Gaza, hoping to come out of it stronger than on October 6. This was what happened after Israel went into Lebanon in 1982. Israel vanquished Palestinian terror groups during that war but ended up with Hezbollah, which is now much stronger than those groups were in the 1980s. Israel also defeated terror threats in Gaza in the 1970s and the 2000s, only to end up with Hamas. Iranian-backed groups think in the long term, not in terms of short six-month conflicts. Iran has proven this in Yemen, Iraq, Syria and Lebanon. Israel’s campaign in Gaza will need to take into account regional strategy if it is to prevail.


(full article online)



 
[ "They are not our hostages, they are our guests". Guests who cannot leave or get in touch with anyone. Islamic thinking ]

 






 

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