All The News Anti-Israel Posters Will Not Read Or Discuss

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Moreover, Plan D did make explicit the operational orders to expel Arabs from their villages. Morris also suggests that since not all Arabs were expelled, therefore it wasn’t ethnic cleansing. But once again his logic is a non sequitur. It doesn’t follow that since there were Arabs who were allowed to remain in the territory that became Israel that therefore the expulsion of the majority of that territory’s Arab inhabitants didn’t constitute ethnic cleansing. Morris can opine that Ben-Gurion didn’t do a thorough enough job of it; but he can’t sustain the suggestion that the lack of thoroughness means it wasn’t ethnic cleansing
 
Protest in London over the murder of Palestinian activist Nizar Banat. Slightly different from the antizionist mobs. Something isn’t right…



 
Testimonies From the Censored Deir Yassin Massacre: 'They Piled Bodies and Burned Them'
A young fellow tied to a tree and set on fire. A woman and an old man shot in back. Girls lined up against a wall and shot with a submachine gun. The testimonies collected by filmmaker Neta Shoshani about the massacre in Deir Yassin are difficult to process even 70 years after the fact
 
Protest in London over the murder of Palestinian activist Nizar Banat. Slightly different from the antizionist mobs. Something isn’t right…




Further along in the letter, he describes in detail his part in the massacre that took place there. “This was the first time in my life that at my hands and before my eyes Arabs fell. In the village I killed an armed Arab man and two Arab girls of 16 or 17 who were helping the Arab who was shooting. I stood them against a wall and blasted them with two rounds from the Tommy gun,” he wrote, describing how he carried out the execution of the girls with a submachine gun.
 
Protest in London over the murder of Palestinian activist Nizar Banat. Slightly different from the antizionist mobs. Something isn’t right…




Along with that, he tells about looting in the village with his buddies after it was occupied. “We confiscated a lot of money and silver and gold jewelry fell into our hands,” he wrote. He concludes the letter with the words: “This was a really tremendous operation and it is with reason that the left is vilifying us again
 
Protest in London over the murder of Palestinian activist Nizar Banat. Slightly different from the antizionist mobs. Something isn’t right…




“They ran like cats,” related the commander of the operation, Yehoshua Zettler, the Jerusalem commander of Lehi, as he described the Arabs fleeing from their homes. Shoshani interviewed him in 2009, a few weeks before his death. Zettler denied that his people carried out a massacre in the village but he spared no words to describe the way its inhabitants were killed. “I won’t tell you that we were there with kid gloves on. House after house ... we’re putting in explosives and they are running away. An explosion and move on, an explosion and move on and within a few hours, half the village isn’t there any more,” he said
 
Protest in London over the murder of Palestinian activist Nizar Banat. Slightly different from the antizionist mobs. Something isn’t right…




Another harsh account was provided by Prof. Mordechai Gichon, a lieutenant colonel in the Israel Defense Forces reserves, who was a Haganah intelligence officer sent to Deir Yassin when the battle ended. “To me it looked a bit like a pogrom,” said Gichon, who died about a year ago. “If you’re occupying an army position – it’s not a pogrom, even if a hundred people are killed. But if you are coming into a civilian locale and dead people are scattered around in it – then it looks like a pogrom. When the Cossacks burst into Jewish neighborhoods, then that should have looked something like this
 
Protest in London over the murder of Palestinian activist Nizar Banat. Slightly different from the antizionist mobs. Something isn’t right…




According to Gichon, “There was a feeling of considerable slaughter and it was hard for me to explain it to myself as having been done in self-defense. My impression was more of a massacre than anything else. If it is a matter of killing innocent civilians, then it can be called a massacre.”

Yair Tsaban, a former Meretz MK and government minister, related in his interview with Shoshani that after the massacre, in which he did not participate, he was sent with fellow members of the Youth Brigades to bury the corpses of the dead. “The rationale was that the Red Cross was liable to show up at any moment and it was necessary to blur the traces [of the killings] because publication of pictures and testimonies about what had happened in the village would be very damaging to the image of our War of Independence,” he said
 
Protest in London over the murder of Palestinian activist Nizar Banat. Slightly different from the antizionist mobs. Something isn’t right…




The massacre at Deir Yassin had many repercussions. The Jewish Agency, the chief rabbis and the heads of the Haganah condemned it. The left used it to denounce the right. Abroad, it was compared to the crimes of the Nazis. Additionally, as historian Benny Morris notes in his book “Righteous Victims,” “Deir Yassin had a profound demographic and political effect: It was followed by mass flight of Arabs from their locales
 
Protest in London over the murder of Palestinian activist Nizar Banat. Slightly different from the antizionist mobs. Something isn’t right…




The state explained that publication of the pictures was liable to damage the state’s foreign relations and the “respect for the dead.” In 2010, after viewing the pictures, the Supreme Court justices rejected the petition, leaving the material far from the public eye. In the meantime Shoshani managed to get hold of some other photos connected to the massacre, among them a series of pictures documenting orphaned children whose parents had been killed at Deir Yassin.

The Deir Yassin massacre continues to upset everyone who deals with it, even at a distance of 70 years. Not everyone agrees with the characterization “massacre.” Historian Dr. Uri Milstein, who studies Israel’s wars, does a lot to propagate the thesis that there wasn’t any massacre in the village. In many articles he has written, he claims that this is “a mendacious myth” and “a blood libel” and that the Arab dead were killed in “a battle in a built-up area.”
It depends on the definition of massacre?
 
Protest in London over the murder of Palestinian activist Nizar Banat. Slightly different from the antizionist mobs. Something isn’t right…




“I don’t think that anyone there had the intention of coming there and killing children,” says Shoshani in summing up the materials she has gathered about the incident. However, she says, “This was not a battle against fighters but rather the sudden occupation of a village, in confrontation with inhabitants who defended their homes with meager means. There were also cases, apparently isolated, of mowing down inhabitants, ‘executions,’ after the fighting was over, for the purpose of deterrence and out of fear.
 
Protest in London over the murder of Palestinian activist Nizar Banat. Slightly different from the antizionist mobs. Something isn’t right…




The Deir Yassin massacre was the first of a number of incidents in which Jewish fighters were involved in killing civilians in the War of Independence and after it was over. Another infamous incident was the one at Kafr Qasem in 1956, on the day the fighting in the Sinai Campaign began. Forty-eight Israeli Arab citizens were killed by Border Police gunfire. As in the case of Deir Yassin, the state is still censoring the archival materials from Kafr Qasem
 
Protest in London over the murder of Palestinian activist Nizar Banat. Slightly different from the antizionist mobs. Something isn’t right…




Debunked
 
Protest in London over the murder of Palestinian activist Nizar Banat. Slightly different from the antizionist mobs. Something isn’t right…




A real jew
Neta Shoshani
Born in 1980 in Jerusalem, Neta Shoshani lives and works in Tel-Aviv. She graduated in visual communication from the Bezalel Academy of Arts and Design (Jerusalem). Since then, she has worked as producer and editor in the news department of the Israeli radio network. As a director, her film credits include: Handa, Handa 4, In Between (2013), and House Call. Born in Deir Yassin(2017) is her latest feature.

Films at BPFF
Born in Deir Yassin | 2018 | Documentary
 
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What really happened in Deir Yassin? Contrary to what one could expect, I found that the testimonies of the Jewish attackers on the one hand, and the Arab survivors on the other hand, were surprisingly similar, at times almost identical. My methodology, therefore, was to integrate the testimonies of both parties involved, Jews and Arabs, into one story. I relied on a vast number of testimonies and records from 21 archives (including Israeli, Palestinian, British, American, UN and Red Cross), many of them yet unreleased to the public, and hundreds of other sources. My findings were basically two: no massacre took place in Deir Yassin, but on the other hand, the false rumors spread by the Palestinian leadership about a massacre, rapes and other atrocities, drove the Palestinian population to leave their homes and run away, becoming a major incentive for the creation of the Palestinian refugee problem.

No Massacre​

Deir Yassin was not the peaceful village many later claimed it to be, but a fortified village with scores of armed combatants. Its relations with the adjacent Jewish neighborhoods were troubled for decades and the Jews believed it to endanger the only road from Jerusalem to Tel Aviv, thus constituting part of the Arab siege of Jewish Jerusalem. Therefore, although later denying it for political reasons, the Jewish main militia in 1948, the Haganah, sanctioned the attack and later took part in it by means of its striking force, the Palmach.

A ten-hour fierce battle, in the presence of a civilian population, ended in the victory of Etzel and Lehi. No massacre took place. When the battle ended, the killing stopped. “I believe that most of those who were killed were among the fighters and the women and children who helped the fighters,” one of the Arab survivors was later to testify. Furthermore, the Arab villagers got an advance warning to evacuate the village, which 700 of them followed. The attackers took an additional 200 villagers prisoner and safely released them in Arab Jerusalem. Only 101 Arabs were killed, a quarter of them active combatants and most of the rest in combat conditions. The Jewish assailants also suffered casualties.

(full article online)

A fake jew
 
From Al Monitor:


The boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement is upset at a Hamas leader for meeting with the Moroccan prime minister due to Morocco having relations with Israel.

BDS released an Arabic-language statement on Tuesday to “denounce” Hamas’ political head, Ismail Haniyeh, for meeting with Moroccan Prime Minister Saadeddine Othmani. The meeting took place last week during Haniyeh’s trip to Morocco, during which he also met with Islamist and opposition parties.

“We strongly condemn Haniyeh’s meeting with the Moroccan prime minister, which betrays our people and furthers normalization with the occupation and its continuing crimes,” BDS said in the statement.
Yes, BDS is criticizing Hamas for not adhering to the BDS standards.
Putting it another way, if Hamas isn't adhering to BDS, then no one is.

BDS' statement went further:


(full article online)

 
The choice of Goldstein to expound on HRW’s understanding of contemporary antisemitism is probably as good a place as any. Why is an individual whose job title is “acting executive director, HRW Middle East and North Africa Division” opining about hate crimes (though he never classifies them as such) targeting a relatively small minority community in the United States? How exactly is a Middle East specialist qualified to give insight on the best practices to secure our synagogues and schools, or fight antisemitic hate speech online, or protect visibly identifiable Jews who are especially vulnerable to street violence, or educate law enforcement about antisemitic trends — or any of the other real, painful practical challenges our community is presently dealing with?

Therein lies the rub. As is the case with other recent initiatives on antisemitism policy that I’ve written about (here and here), the intended beneficiary of these interventions is not the Jewish community, but the Palestinian national struggle and its influential global lobby. In that sense, Goldstein, who has a Jewish name and is an advocate for Palestinian rights, is an ideal person to front HRW’s attempt to delink the latest round of Israel demonization from the antisemitism it is rooted in, which is the main goal of his analysis.

But if one’s goal is to assist the Jewish community by arresting the current antisemitic tide, one cannot help being astonished by the issues that Goldstein ignores; and those, in turn, that he addresses.

To begin with, he mentions two of the many antisemitic outrages recorded in May around the country — the assault on Jewish diners at a Los Angeles restaurant and the savage beating of a Jewish man in midtown Manhattan. When one reports on hate crimes, it is customary to identify the perpetrators with as much accurate information as possible, and were Goldstein writing about an assault on Jews committed by white supremacists or neo-Nazi skinheads, he likely would have no qualms about disclosing this critical fact in order to enhance readers’ understanding of the episode at hand.

Yet Goldstein’s analysis of the May events gives the impression that the authors of these assaults were nameless and faceless, motivated only by a misguided notion of what solidarity with the Palestinian people involves. The assailants in Los Angeles are referred to merely as “a group,” while the attackers in New York City are simply “assailants.” No more detail is provided.

(full article online)

 
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