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Could Trump Actually Deport 11 Million People?
- Thread starter georgephillip
- Start date
Divine Wind
Platinum Member
Only LWLs believe free citizens need authority to voice an opinion.By what authority do you come by that decision?
georgephillip
Diamond Member
- Thread starter
- #1,123
I think you mean the Gipper, don't you?They migrated to get away from wars started by people like you - communists, that is.
Salvadoran Civil War - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
"The full-fledged civil war lasted for more than 12 years and saw extreme violence from both sides. It also included the deliberate terrorizing and targeting of civilians by death squads, the recruitment of child soldiers, and other violations of human rights, mostly by the military.[23]
"An unknown number of people disappeared during the conflict, and the UN reports that more than 75,000 were killed.[24]The United States contributed to the conflict by providing large amounts of military aid to the government of El Salvador during the Carter[25]and Reagan administrations."
Reagan wanted to "take one back from the communists" in spite of the fact a majority of citizens in Central America wanted an end to the rule of the rich in their countries.
The result was a flow of migrants into communities like the one I've lived in for the past 21 years.
Divine Wind
Platinum Member
A good idea, but how do you prove they are hiring illegals?How about any business currently hiring illegals is boycotted so they are forced to shut down, close up shop.
Divine Wind
Platinum Member
Disagreed, but I'm willing to make a wager on it. You?According to the opinion I based this thread on, Trump will have all the authority he needs without congress?Let's not forget that all solutions involve Congress and about half of Congress are Democrats so he always has the option of doing what President Obama does: scapegoating the opposition and blaming his predecessor
Trump Isn’t Bluffing, He’ll Deport 11 Million People
"Legally, there’s nothing to it. Trump doesn’t need an act of Congress. He doesn’t even have to sign an executive order. All he’ll have to do to set this outrage in motion is pick up the phone and tell the head of Immigrations and Customs Enforcement to do his or her job: enforce the law.
"Camps cost money. So do more agents. No problem. President Trump can shift his budget priorities in favor of ICE. He’s already said he would triple ICE’s enforcement division from 5,000 to 15,000 officers. The FBI would have to pitch in.
"Backlogs in the nation’s 57 existing immigration courts run as long as two years. The system would have to be expanded."
Divine Wind
Platinum Member
Feel free to quote your defiinition from the Book of Liberal Ideology.By definition twins cannot be opposites.
Meanwhile, I'll use Merriam-Webster: Definition of TWIN
either one of two similar things that form a pair
You two are both extremely partisan and ridicule anyone who disagrees with you. By definition, TWINS.
Divine Wind
Platinum Member
Incorrect, but I can see why a Keyboard Koward and Knutjob would think polar opposites of one ideology, Democracy, is the same as two completely different ideologies like Fascism and Democracy. Ideologues, regardless of stripe, often blind, stupid and have a severe case of rectal-cranial inversion.You probably also believe that the only difference between Hitler and FDR was "polarity." ...
bripat9643
Diamond Member
- Apr 1, 2011
- 170,169
- 47,315
- 2,180
"What Would It Take for Donald Trump to Deport 11 Million and Build a Wall?
By JULIA PRESTON, ALAN RAPPEPORT and MATT RICHTELMAY 19, 2016
"Mass deportations: Adding chaos to dysfunction
"Mr. Trump has a simple plan to reduce the population of 11 million immigrants living illegally in the United States: Deport them.
"How?
"He says he would follow the example of the military-style roundups authorized by President Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1954. The initiative, known as Operation Wetback, expelled hundreds of thousands of Mexicans.
"Mr. Trump contends that the start of deportations would show immigrants he meant business and prompt many to leave on their own, and that it would take about two years to finish the job. There, the specifics end..."
http://www.nytimes.com/2016/05/20/us/politics/donald-trump-immigration.html?_r=0
"Finding those immigrants would be difficult, experts said. Police officers across the country would need to ask people for proof of residency or citizenship during traffic stops and street encounters.
"The Border Patrol would need highway checkpoints across the Southwest and near the Canadian border.
"To avoid racial profiling, any American could expect to be stopped and asked for papers."
That's utter complete bullshit. You think we don't know which people are illegals? All we have to do is require the parents of students in public schools to prove they are American citizens. Presto-chango, we know who all the illegals are. The E-verify program, if enforced, would also reveal who all the illegals are. It's really not that difficult if you are truly looking for a solution rather than just an excuse for doing nothing.
bripat9643
Diamond Member
- Apr 1, 2011
- 170,169
- 47,315
- 2,180
Incorrect, but I can see why a Keyboard Koward and Knutjob would think polar opposites of one ideology, Democracy, is the same as two completely different ideologies like Fascism and Democracy. Ideologues, regardless of stripe, often blind, stupid and have a severe case of rectal-cranial inversion.You probably also believe that the only difference between Hitler and FDR was "polarity." ...
Fascism isn't the opposite of democracy, dumbass. In fact, they have a symbiotic relationship. Fascism is the ultimate conclusion of democracy. Furthermore, democracy isn't an ideology anymore than dictatorship is an ideology.
You should try consulting a dictionary before you make a complete ass of yourself.
ChrisL
Diamond Member
I can't stand these people who are apologists for this crime against citizens of the US.
How Does Illegal Immigration Hurt The Economy?
How Does Illegal Immigration Hurt The Economy?
bripat9643
Diamond Member
- Apr 1, 2011
- 170,169
- 47,315
- 2,180
I think you mean the Gipper, don't you?They migrated to get away from wars started by people like you - communists, that is.
Salvadoran Civil War - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
"The full-fledged civil war lasted for more than 12 years and saw extreme violence from both sides. It also included the deliberate terrorizing and targeting of civilians by death squads, the recruitment of child soldiers, and other violations of human rights, mostly by the military.[23]
"An unknown number of people disappeared during the conflict, and the UN reports that more than 75,000 were killed.[24]The United States contributed to the conflict by providing large amounts of military aid to the government of El Salvador during the Carter[25]and Reagan administrations."
Reagan wanted to "take one back from the communists" in spite of the fact a majority of citizens in Central America wanted an end to the rule of the rich in their countries.
The result was a flow of migrants into communities like the one I've lived in for the past 21 years.
No, I mean you - a communist. The war in Al Salvador was started by communists traitors.
ChrisL
Diamond Member
How Unskilled Immigrants Hurt Our Economy
Immigration’s bottom line has shifted so sharply that in a high-immigration state like California, native-born residents are paying up to ten times more in state and local taxes than immigrants generate in economic benefits. Moreover, the cost is only likely to grow as the foreign-born population—which has already mushroomed from about 9 percent of the U.S. population when the NAS studies were done in the late 1990s to about 12 percent today—keeps growing. And citizens in more and more places will feel the bite, as immigrants move beyond their traditional settling places. From 1990 to 2005, the number of states in which immigrants make up at least 5 percent of the population nearly doubled from 17 to 29, with states like Arkansas, South Dakota, South Carolina, and Georgia seeing the most growth. This sharp turnaround since the 1970s, when immigrants were less likely to be using the social programs of the Great Society than the native-born population, says Harvard economist Borjas, suggests that welfare and other social programs are a magnet drawing certain types of immigrants—nonworking women, children, and the elderly—and keeping them here when they run into difficulty.
Not only have the formal and informal networks helping immigrants tap into our social spending grown, but they also get plenty of assistance from advocacy groups financed by tax dollars, working to ensure that immigrants get their share of social spending. Thus, the Newark-based New Jersey Immigration Policy Network receives several hundred thousand government dollars annually to help doctors and hospitals increase immigrant enrollment in Jersey’s subsidized health-care programs. Casa Maryland, operating in the greater Washington area, gets funding from nearly 20 federal, state, and local government agencies to run programs that “empower” immigrants to demand benefits and care from government and to “refer clients to government and private social service programs for which they and their families may be eligible.”
Pols around the country, intent on currying favor with ethnic voting blocs by appearing immigrant-friendly, have jumped on the benefits-for-immigrants bandwagon, endorsing “don’t ask, don’t tell” policies toward immigrants who register for benefits, giving tax dollars to centers that find immigrants work and aid illegals, and enacting legislation prohibiting local authorities from cooperating with federal immigration officials. In New York, for instance, Mayor Michael Bloomberg has ordered city agencies to ignore an immigrant’s status in providing services. “This policy’s critical to encourage immigrant day laborers to access . . . children’s health insurance, a full range of preventive primary and acute medical care, domestic violence counseling, emergency shelters, police protection, consumer fraud protections, and protection against discrimination through the Human Rights Commission,” the city’s Immigrant Affairs Commissioner, Guillermo Linares, explains.
Almost certainly, immigrants’ participation in our social welfare programs will increase over time, because so many are destined to struggle in our workforce. Despite our cherished view of immigrants as rapidly climbing the economic ladder, more and more of the new arrivals and their children face a lifetime of economic disadvantage, because they arrive here with low levels of education and with few work skills—shortcomings not easily overcome. Mexican immigrants, who are up to six times more likely to be high school dropouts than native-born Americans, not only earn substantially less than the native-born median, but the wage gap persists for decades after they’ve arrived. A study of the 2000 census data, for instance, shows that the cohort of Mexican immigrants between 25 and 34 who entered the United States in the late 1970s were earning 40 to 50 percent less than similarly aged native-born Americans in 1980, but 20 years later they had fallen even further behind their native-born counterparts. Today’s Mexican immigrants between 25 and 34 have an even larger wage gap relative to the native-born population. Adjusting for other socioeconomic factors, Harvard’s Borjas and Katz estimate that virtually this entire wage gap is attributable to low levels of education.
Meanwhile, because their parents start off so far behind, the American-born children of Mexican immigrants also make slow progress. First-generation adult Americans of Mexican descent studied in the 2000 census, for instance, earned 14 percent less than native-born Americans. By contrast, first-generation Portuguese Americans earned slightly more than the average native-born worker—a reminder of how quickly immigrants once succeeded in America and how some still do. But Mexico increasingly dominates our immigration flows, accounting for 43 percent of the growth of our foreign-born population in the 1990s.
One reason some ethnic groups make up so little ground concerns the transmission of what economists call “ethnic capital,” or what we might call the influence of culture. More than previous generations, immigrants today tend to live concentrated in ethnic enclaves, and their children find their role models among their own group. Thus the children of today’s Mexican immigrants are likely to live in a neighborhood where about 60 percent of men dropped out of high school and now do low-wage work, and where less than half of the population speak English fluently, which might explain why high school dropout rates among Americans of Mexican ancestry are two and a half times higher than dropout rates for all other native-born Americans, and why first-generation Mexican Americans do not move up the economic ladder nearly as quickly as the children of other immigrant groups.
Immigration’s bottom line has shifted so sharply that in a high-immigration state like California, native-born residents are paying up to ten times more in state and local taxes than immigrants generate in economic benefits. Moreover, the cost is only likely to grow as the foreign-born population—which has already mushroomed from about 9 percent of the U.S. population when the NAS studies were done in the late 1990s to about 12 percent today—keeps growing. And citizens in more and more places will feel the bite, as immigrants move beyond their traditional settling places. From 1990 to 2005, the number of states in which immigrants make up at least 5 percent of the population nearly doubled from 17 to 29, with states like Arkansas, South Dakota, South Carolina, and Georgia seeing the most growth. This sharp turnaround since the 1970s, when immigrants were less likely to be using the social programs of the Great Society than the native-born population, says Harvard economist Borjas, suggests that welfare and other social programs are a magnet drawing certain types of immigrants—nonworking women, children, and the elderly—and keeping them here when they run into difficulty.
Not only have the formal and informal networks helping immigrants tap into our social spending grown, but they also get plenty of assistance from advocacy groups financed by tax dollars, working to ensure that immigrants get their share of social spending. Thus, the Newark-based New Jersey Immigration Policy Network receives several hundred thousand government dollars annually to help doctors and hospitals increase immigrant enrollment in Jersey’s subsidized health-care programs. Casa Maryland, operating in the greater Washington area, gets funding from nearly 20 federal, state, and local government agencies to run programs that “empower” immigrants to demand benefits and care from government and to “refer clients to government and private social service programs for which they and their families may be eligible.”
Pols around the country, intent on currying favor with ethnic voting blocs by appearing immigrant-friendly, have jumped on the benefits-for-immigrants bandwagon, endorsing “don’t ask, don’t tell” policies toward immigrants who register for benefits, giving tax dollars to centers that find immigrants work and aid illegals, and enacting legislation prohibiting local authorities from cooperating with federal immigration officials. In New York, for instance, Mayor Michael Bloomberg has ordered city agencies to ignore an immigrant’s status in providing services. “This policy’s critical to encourage immigrant day laborers to access . . . children’s health insurance, a full range of preventive primary and acute medical care, domestic violence counseling, emergency shelters, police protection, consumer fraud protections, and protection against discrimination through the Human Rights Commission,” the city’s Immigrant Affairs Commissioner, Guillermo Linares, explains.
Almost certainly, immigrants’ participation in our social welfare programs will increase over time, because so many are destined to struggle in our workforce. Despite our cherished view of immigrants as rapidly climbing the economic ladder, more and more of the new arrivals and their children face a lifetime of economic disadvantage, because they arrive here with low levels of education and with few work skills—shortcomings not easily overcome. Mexican immigrants, who are up to six times more likely to be high school dropouts than native-born Americans, not only earn substantially less than the native-born median, but the wage gap persists for decades after they’ve arrived. A study of the 2000 census data, for instance, shows that the cohort of Mexican immigrants between 25 and 34 who entered the United States in the late 1970s were earning 40 to 50 percent less than similarly aged native-born Americans in 1980, but 20 years later they had fallen even further behind their native-born counterparts. Today’s Mexican immigrants between 25 and 34 have an even larger wage gap relative to the native-born population. Adjusting for other socioeconomic factors, Harvard’s Borjas and Katz estimate that virtually this entire wage gap is attributable to low levels of education.
Meanwhile, because their parents start off so far behind, the American-born children of Mexican immigrants also make slow progress. First-generation adult Americans of Mexican descent studied in the 2000 census, for instance, earned 14 percent less than native-born Americans. By contrast, first-generation Portuguese Americans earned slightly more than the average native-born worker—a reminder of how quickly immigrants once succeeded in America and how some still do. But Mexico increasingly dominates our immigration flows, accounting for 43 percent of the growth of our foreign-born population in the 1990s.
One reason some ethnic groups make up so little ground concerns the transmission of what economists call “ethnic capital,” or what we might call the influence of culture. More than previous generations, immigrants today tend to live concentrated in ethnic enclaves, and their children find their role models among their own group. Thus the children of today’s Mexican immigrants are likely to live in a neighborhood where about 60 percent of men dropped out of high school and now do low-wage work, and where less than half of the population speak English fluently, which might explain why high school dropout rates among Americans of Mexican ancestry are two and a half times higher than dropout rates for all other native-born Americans, and why first-generation Mexican Americans do not move up the economic ladder nearly as quickly as the children of other immigrant groups.
ChrisL
Diamond Member
Notice, one of the douchebags has a funny to give but no rebuttal. 
Purrrfect.
Purrrfect.
regent
Gold Member
- Jan 30, 2012
- 10,459
- 1,148
- 245
Could people charged with being in the US illegally demand a court trial with a jury? If so, would the state have to provide an attorney? If found guilty could the person charged, appeal the case? Might be an interesting, but costly period, we might face.
Vandalshandle
Gold Member
Notice, one of the douchebags has a funny to give but no rebuttal.
Well, now, Chris, I did not see any point in posting a rebuttal, since you told me that I was on ignore.........,
Vandalshandle
Gold Member
Could people charged with being in the US illegally demand a court trial with a jury? If so, would the state have to provide an attorney? If found guilty could the person charged, appeal the case? Might be an interesting, but costly period, we might face.
In answer to your question:
Yes. Yes. and Yes.
ChrisL
Diamond Member
Notice, one of the douchebags has a funny to give but no rebuttal.
Well, now, Chris, I did not see any point in posting a rebuttal, since you told me that I was on ignore.........,
Because you don't have a rebuttal because you have no idea what you're talking about, as per usual.
Vandalshandle
Gold Member
Could people charged with being in the US illegally demand a court trial with a jury? If so, would the state have to provide an attorney? If found guilty could the person charged, appeal the case? Might be an interesting, but costly period, we might face.
Yes. Yes, and Yes.
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/02/12/us/split-second-justice-as-us-cracks-down-on-border-crossers.html
Last edited:
bripat9643
Diamond Member
- Apr 1, 2011
- 170,169
- 47,315
- 2,180
The answer is no, they aren't entitled to a jury trial. They're entitled to a hearing, and that's it.Could people charged with being in the US illegally demand a court trial with a jury? If so, would the state have to provide an attorney? If found guilty could the person charged, appeal the case? Might be an interesting, but costly period, we might face.
Vandalshandle
Gold Member
Notice, one of the douchebags has a funny to give but no rebuttal.
Well, now, Chris, I did not see any point in posting a rebuttal, since you told me that I was on ignore.........,
Because you don't have a rebuttal because you have no idea what you're talking about, as per usual.
I take that as a "No, I don't have you on ignore"
Chris everything you said about the latino immigrants has been said before, word for word, about the Irish immigrants, Jewish immigrants, Chinese immigrants, Japanese immigrants, Italian immigrants, Cuban immigrants, and even Vietnamese immigrants. I find it incredibly amusing that pretty much everyone in the world is lazy, uneducated, lacking ambition, culturally stagnant, and destined for a life of crime, poverty, and welfare, except, of course, Americans of Anglo-saxon and european ancestry.
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