Maryanne Trump Barry about Donald Trump

Part 8

Schwartz reminded himself that he was being paid to tell Trump’s story, not his own, but the more he worked on the project the more disturbing he found it. In his journal, he describes the hours he spent with Trump as “draining” and “deadening.” Schwartz told me that Trump’s need for attention is “completely compulsive,” and that his bid for the Presidency is part of a continuum. “He’s managed to keep increasing the dose for forty years,” Schwartz said. After he’d spent decades as a tabloid titan, “the only thing left was running for President. If he could run for emperor of the world, he would.”

Rhetorically, Schwartz’s aim in “The Art of the Deal” was to present Trump as the hero of every chapter, but, after looking into some of his supposedly brilliant deals, Schwartz concluded that there were cases in which there was no way to make Trump look good. So he sidestepped unflattering incidents and details. “I didn’t consider it my job to investigate,” he says.


Schwartz also tried to avoid the strong whiff of cronyism that hovered over some deals. In his 1986 journal, he describes what a challenge it was to “put his best foot forward” in writing about one of Trump’s first triumphs: his development, starting in 1975, of the Grand Hyatt Hotel, on the site of the former Commodore Hotel, next to Grand Central Terminal. In order to afford the hotel, Trump required an extremely large tax abatement. Richard Ravitch, who was then in charge of the agency that had the authority to grant such tax breaks to developers, recalls that he declined to grant the abatement, and Trump got “so unpleasant I had to tell him to get out.” Trump got it anyway, largely because key city officials had received years of donations from his father, Fred Trump, who was a major real-estate developer in Queens. Wayne Barrett, whose reporting for the Voice informed his definitive 1991 book, “Trump: The Deals and the Downfall,” says, “It was all Fred’s political connections that created the abatement.” In addition, Trump snookered rivals into believing that he had an exclusive option from the city on the project, when he didn’t. Trump also deceived his partner in the deal, Jay Pritzker, the head of the Hyatt Hotel chain. Pritzker had rejected an unfavorable term proposed by Trump, but at the closing Trump forced it through, knowing that Pritzker was on a mountain in Nepal and could not be reached. Schwartz wrote in his journal that “almost everything” about the hotel deal had “an immoral cast.” But as the ghostwriter he was “trying hard to find my way around” behavior that he considered “if not reprehensible, at least morally questionable.”

Many tall tales that Trump told Schwartz contained a kernel of truth but made him out to be cleverer than he was. One of Trump’s favorite stories was about how he had tricked the company that owned Holiday Inn into becoming his partner in an Atlantic City casino. Trump claimed that he had quieted executives’ fears of construction delays by ordering his construction supervisor to make a vacant lot that he owned look like “the most active construction site in the history of the world.” As Trump tells it in “The Art of the Deal,” there were so many dump trucks and bulldozers pushing around dirt and filling holes that had just been dug that when Holiday Inn executives visited the site it “looked as if we were in the midst of building the Grand Coulee Dam.” The stunt, Trump claimed, pushed the deal through. After the book came out, though, a consultant for Trump’s casinos, Al Glasgow, who is now deceased, told Schwartz, “It never happened.” There may have been one or two trucks, but not the fleet that made it a great story.

Schwartz tamped down some of Trump’s swagger, but plenty of it remained. The manuscript that Random House published was, depending on your perspective, either entertainingly insightful or shamelessly self-aggrandizing. To borrow a title from Norman Mailer, who frequently attended prizefights at Trump’s Atlantic City hotels, the book could have been called “Advertisements for Myself.”


 
Part 9

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Some of the falsehoods in “The Art of the Deal” are minor. Spyupended Trump’s claims that Ivana had been a “top model” and an alternate on the Czech Olympic ski team. Barrett notes that in “The Art of the Deal” Trump describes his father as having been born in New Jersey to Swedish parents; in fact, he was born in the Bronx to German parents. (Decades later, Trump spread falsehoods about Obama’s origins, claiming it was possible that the President was born in Africa.)

In “The Art of the Deal,” Trump portrays himself as a warm family man with endless admirers. He praises Ivana’s taste and business skill—“I said you can’t bet against Ivana, and she proved me right.” But Schwartz noticed little warmth or communication between Trump and Ivana, and he later learned that while “The Art of the Deal” was being written Trump began an affair with Marla Maples, who became his second wife. (He divorced Ivana in 1992.) As far as Schwartz could tell, Trump spent very little time with his family and had no close friends. In “The Art of the Deal,” Trump describes Roy Cohn, his personal lawyer, in the warmest terms, calling him “the sort of guy who’d be there at your hospital bed . . . literally standing by you to the death.” Cohn, who in the fifties assisted Senator Joseph McCarthy in his vicious crusade against Communism, was closeted. He felt abandoned by Trump when he became fatally ill from aids, and said, “Donald pisses ice water.” Schwartz says of Trump, “He’d like people when they were helpful, and turn on them when they weren’t. It wasn’t personal. He’s a transactional man—it was all about what you could do for him.”

According to Barrett, among the most misleading aspects of “The Art of the Deal” was the idea that Trump made it largely on his own, with only minimal help from his father, Fred. Barrett, in his book, notes that Trump once declared, “The working man likes me because he knows I didn’t inherit what I’ve built,” and that in “The Art of the Deal” he derides wealthy heirs as members of “the Lucky Sperm Club.”

Trump’s self-portrayal as a Horatio Alger figure has buttressed his populist appeal in 2016. But his origins were hardly humble. Fred’s fortune, based on his ownership of middle-income properties, wasn’t glamorous, but it was sizable: in 2003, a few years after Fred died, Trump and his siblings reportedly sold some of their father’s real-estate holdings for half a billion dollars. In “The Art of the Deal,” Trump cites his father as “the most important influence on me,” but in his telling his father’s main legacy was teaching him the importance of “toughness.” Beyond that, Schwartz says, Trump “barely talked about his father—he didn’t want his success to be seen as having anything to do with him.” But when Barrett investigated he found that Trump’s father was instrumental in his son’s rise, financially and politically. In the book, Trump says that “my energy and my enthusiasm” explain how, as a twenty-nine-year-old with few accomplishments, he acquired the Grand Hyatt Hotel. Barrett reports, however, that Trump’s father had to co-sign the many contracts that the deal required. He also lent Trump seven and a half million dollars to get started as a casino owner in Atlantic City; at one point, when Trump couldn’t meet payments on other loans, his father tried to tide him over by sending a lawyer to buy some three million dollars’ worth of gambling chips. Barrett told me, “Donald did make some smart moves himself, particularly in assembling the site for the Trump Tower. That was a stroke of genius.” Nonetheless, he said, “The notion that he’s a self-made man is a joke. But I guess they couldn’t call the book ‘The Art of My Father’s Deals.’ ”


 
Part 10

The other key myth perpetuated by “The Art of the Deal” was that Trump’s intuitions about business were almost flawless. “The book helped fuel the notion that he couldn’t fail,” Barrett said. But, unbeknown to Schwartz and the public, by late 1987, when the book came out, Trump was heading toward what Barrett calls “simultaneous personal and professional self-destruction.” O’Brien agrees that during the next several years Trump’s life unravelled. The divorce from Ivana reportedly cost him twenty-five million dollars. Meanwhile, he was in the midst of what O’Brien calls “a crazy shopping spree that resulted in unmanageable debt.” He was buying the Plaza Hotel and also planning to erect “the tallest building in the world,” on the former rail yards that he had bought on the West Side. In 1987, the city denied him permission to construct such a tall skyscraper, but in “The Art of the Deal” he brushed off this failure with a one-liner: “I can afford to wait.” O’Brien says, “The reality is that he couldn’t afford to wait. He was telling the media that the carrying costs were three million dollars, when in fact they were more like twenty million.” Trump was also building a third casino in Atlantic City, the Taj, which he promised would be “the biggest casino in history.” He bought the Eastern Air Lines shuttle that operated out of New York, Boston, and Washington, rechristening it the Trump Shuttle, and acquired a giant yacht, the Trump Princess. “He was on a total run of complete and utter self-absorption,” Barrett says, adding, “It’s kind of like now.”


Schwartz said that when he was writing the book “the greatest percentage of Trump’s assets was in casinos, and he made it sound like each casino was more successful than the last. But every one of them was failing.” He went on, “I think he was just spinning. I don’t think he could have believed it at the time. He was losing millions of dollars a day. He had to have been terrified.”

In 1992, the journalist David Cay Johnston published a book about casinos, “Temples of Chance,” and cited a net-worth statement from 1990 that assessed Trump’s personal wealth. It showed that Trump owed nearly three hundred million dollars more to his creditors than his assets were worth. The next year, his company was forced into bankruptcy—the first of six such instances. The Trump meteor had crashed.

But in “The Art of the Deal,” O’Brien told me, “Trump shrewdly and unabashedly promoted an image of himself as a dealmaker nonpareil who could always get the best out of every situation—and who can now deliver America from its malaise.” This idealized version was presented to an exponentially larger audience, O’Brien noted, when Mark Burnett, the reality-television producer, read “The Art of the Deal” and decided to base a new show on it, “The Apprentice,” with Trump as the star. The first season of the show, which premièred in 2004, opens with Trump in the back of a limousine, boasting, “I’ve mastered the art of the deal, and I’ve turned the name Trump into the highest-quality brand.” An image of the book’s cover flashes onscreen as Trump explains that, as the “master,” he is now seeking an apprentice. O’Brien said, “ ‘The Apprentice’ is mythmaking on steroids. There’s a straight line from the book to the show to the 2016 campaign.”

It took Schwartz a little more than a year to write “The Art of the Deal.” In the spring of 1987, he sent the manuscript to Trump, who returned it to him shortly afterward. There were a few red marks made with a fat-tipped Magic Marker, most of which deleted criticisms that Trump had made of powerful individuals he no longer wanted to offend, such as Lee Iacocca. Otherwise, Schwartz says, Trump changed almost nothing.




 
Part 11

In my phone interview with Trump, he initially said of Schwartz, “Tony was very good. He was the co-author.” But he dismissed Schwartz’s account of the writing process. “He didn’t write the book,” Trump told me. “I wrote the book. I wrote the book. It was my book. And it was a No. 1 best-seller, and one of the best-selling business books of all time. Some say it was the best-selling business book ever.” (It is not.) Howard Kaminsky, the former Random House head, laughed and said, “Trump didn’t write a postcard for us!”

Trump was far more involved in the book’s promotion. He wooed booksellers and made one television appearance after another. He publicly promised to donate his cut of the book’s royalties to charity. He even made a surprise trip to New Hampshire, where he stirred additional publicity by floating the possibility that he might run for President.

In December of 1987, a month after the book was published, Trump hosted an extravagant book party in the pink marble atrium of Trump Tower. Klieg lights lit a red carpet outside the building. Inside, nearly a thousand guests, in black tie, were served champagne and fed slices of a giant cake replica of Trump Tower, which was wheeled in by a parade of women waving red sparklers. The boxing promoter Don King greeted the crowd in a floor-length mink coat, and the comedian Jackie Mason introduced Donald and Ivana with the words “Here comes the king and queen!” Trump toasted Schwartz, saying teasingly that he had at least tried to teach him how to make money.

Schwartz got more of an education the next day, when he and Trump spoke on the phone. After chatting briefly about the party, Trump informed Schwartz that, as his ghostwriter, he owed him for half the event’s cost, which was in the six figures. Schwartz was dumbfounded. “He wanted me to split the cost of entertaining his list of nine hundred second-rate celebrities?” Schwartz had, in fact, learned a few things from watching Trump. He drastically negotiated down the amount that he agreed to pay, to a few thousand dollars, and then wrote Trump a letter promising to write a check not to Trump but to a charity of Schwartz’s choosing. It was a page out of Trump’s playbook. In the past seven years, Trump has promised to give millions of dollars to charity, but reporters for the Washington Post found that they could document only ten thousand dollars in donations—and they uncovered no direct evidence that Trump made charitable contributions from money earned by “The Art of the Deal.”


 
Part 12

Not long after the discussion of the party bills, Trump approached Schwartz about writing a sequel, for which Trump had been offered a seven-figure advance. This time, however, he offered Schwartz only a third of the profits. He pointed out that, because the advance was much bigger, the payout would be, too. But Schwartz said no. Feeling deeply alienated, he instead wrote a book called “What Really Matters,” about the search for meaning in life. After working with Trump, Schwartz writes, he felt a “gnawing emptiness” and became a “seeker,” longing to “be connected to something timeless and essential, more real.”

Schwartz told me that he has decided to pledge all royalties from sales of “The Art of the Deal” in 2016 to pointedly chosen charities: the National Immigration Law Center, Human Rights Watch, the Center for the Victims of Torture, the National Immigration Forum, and the Tahirih Justice Center. He doesn’t feel that the gesture absolves him. “I’ll carry this until the end of my life,” he said. “There’s no righting it. But I like the idea that, the more copies that ‘The Art of the Deal’ sells, the more money I can donate to the people whose rights Trump seeks to abridge.”


Schwartz expected Trump to attack him for speaking out, and he was correct. Informed that Schwartz had made critical remarks about him, and wouldn’t be voting for him, Trump said, “He’s probably just doing it for the publicity.” He also said, “Wow. That’s great disloyalty, because I made Tony rich. He owes a lot to me. I helped him when he didn’t have two cents in his pocket. It’s great disloyalty. I guess he thinks it’s good for him—but he’ll find out it’s not good for him.”

Minutes after Trump got off the phone with me, Schwartz’s cell phone rang. “I hear you’re not voting for me,” Trump said. “I just talked to The New Yorker—which, by the way, is a failing magazine that no one reads—and I heard you were critical of me.”

“You’re running for President,” Schwartz said. “I disagree with a lot of what you’re saying.”

“That’s your right, but then you should have just remained silent. I just want to tell you that I think you’re very disloyal. Without me, you wouldn’t be where you are now. I had a lot of choice of who to have write the book, and I chose you, and I was very generous with you. I know that you gave a lot of speeches and lectures using ‘The Art of the Deal.’ I could have sued you, but I didn’t.”

“My business has nothing to do with ‘The Art of the Deal.’ ”

“That’s not what I’ve been told.”

“You’re running for President of the United States. The stakes here are high.”

“Yeah, they are,” he said. “Have a nice life.” Trump hung up.


Schwartz can understand why Trump feels stung, but he felt that he had to speak up before it was too late. As for Trump’s anger toward him, he said, “I don’t take it personally, because the truth is he didn’t mean it personally. People are dispensable and disposable in Trump’s world.” If Trump is elected President, he warned, “the millions of people who voted for him and believe that he represents their interests will learn what anyone who deals closely with him already knows—that he couldn’t care less about them.” ♦


 
[ Trump calls himself a success. Tony Schwartz and many others who worked for him or knew him, know otherwise ]


STACEY VANEK SMITH, HOST:

The New York Times has published a huge investigative piece about President Donald Trump's tax returns. They've been the subject of curiosity and secrecy for years now. And some of the revelations are pretty splashy, including that President Trump's businesses have claimed billions of dollars in losses over the years and that President Trump has basically not paid corporate taxes in more than a decade. Business success has long been a source of pride for President Trump. There's speculation these revelations will damage Trump's reputation as a successful businessman, a reputation he has been cultivating since the publication of his bestselling 1987 book, "The Art Of The Deal." The book was co-written by Tony Schwartz, who was not a corporate tycoon but a journalist who did a profile of Trump for Playboy magazine. Trump told Tony he couldn't give him much material for the article because he had to save his best stories for this book he was about to write.

TONY SCHWARTZ: And I said, well, what's the book? And he said, well, it's my autobiography. And I said, well, you don't have an autobiography yet. You're only 37 years old. And if I were you and you're determined to write a book, I'd call it "The Art Of The Deal" because people are interested in deals right now. And he said, I like that. You want to write it? And therein, Stacey, the fateful decision of my life.

VANEK SMITH: The die was cast.

SCHWARTZ: Yeah.

VANEK SMITH: This is THE INDICATOR FROM PLANET MONEY. I'm Stacey Vanek Smith. Today on the show - a conversation with Tony Schwartz about "The Art Of The Deal," taxes and Donald Trump the businessman.

(SOUNDBITE OF DROP ELECTRIC SONG, "WAKING UP TO THE FIRE")

VANEK SMITH: Tony Schwartz, co-author of "The Art Of The Deal," thank you so much for joining me. So from what I understand, in order to write this book, you spent a lot of time with President Trump kind of watching him do business.

SCHWARTZ: The way Trump worked and lived his life was on the phone. And if since I was writing about deals and since he was talking about those deals on all his phone calls, that was a way I could do the book.

VANEK SMITH: So you basically spent how many months just, like, listening to Trump do business?

SCHWARTZ: I spent almost a year, maybe nine months.

VANEK SMITH: What kinds of calls would you be on - property owners, like...

SCHWARTZ: Everything, everything - bankers, lawyers, the media.

VANEK SMITH: What did you observe over this year of being on all these phone calls with him?

SCHWARTZ: One of the things I observed is that his primary style was to huff and puff till he blew you down. He would say anything if it advanced his cause. And then he would keep saying it and saying it and saying it. You know, that's the way he is now. He's exactly the same.

VANEK SMITH: Was there, like, a deal that sort of stands out in your mind as kind of like a classic Trump deal?

SCHWARTZ: Well, yeah, I think it was the deal to build Trump Tower.

VANEK SMITH: That's one of his most profitable - I mean, remains one of his most profitable.

SCHWARTZ: Yes.

VANEK SMITH: That was a big, successful deal for him.

SCHWARTZ: Yes. And I would say that - I never say this, but here I go. There were flashes of brilliance, of intuitive brilliance, in the making of that deal. Now, there were some very awful things he did in the making of that deal, but he really did do a remarkable job of gathering together a very - on a fantastic location, the rights that made it possible to build a building of that size.

VANEK SMITH: Like the permits and the loans and all that stuff.

SCHWARTZ: Yeah, to get the air rights from Tiffany, the labyrinthine process you go through with the planning commission and with the city to be able to do it. You know, he put together the pieces of that deal, and then he did something in the lobby that I think won tremendous attention. You know, it was - there weren't many indoor malls at the time, certainly not filled with gold and the kind of marble he used. And it did become a massive tourist attraction.

VANEK SMITH: One of the things that surprised me when I was learning about your journey with him was how very open he was with you. Were you surprised at how secretive he was about his tax returns?

SCHWARTZ: Look; he knows that not paying taxes is not going to be impressive or appealing to other people, particularly, you know, among people who make far less than he does, which is virtually everyone. When they have to pay tax and then it's reported that he pays none, that's something that's worth keeping secret.

VANEK SMITH: The thing that strikes me about the taxes, though, is - you know, on his tax returns, it's, like, the reason he's not paying taxes is because he's losing all this money. And, I mean, companies, people do this all the time. They write stuff off against their taxes. Why would he hide it? Is it the idea of showing that his businesses are losing money?

SCHWARTZ: Well, that would be awful. That's awful to him. In many ways, that's worse than all the rest.

VANEK SMITH: Really?

SCHWARTZ: Yes. To have it be seen that he is not the businessman he has claimed to be is - it would be to him a sign of failure, weakness, vulnerability that would be or is almost intolerable to him.

VANEK SMITH: What about his relationship with money? Like, money is different things to different people. You know, for some people, it's freedom. For some people, it's security. What is money for President Trump?

SCHWARTZ: A direct expression of his value. He defines his personal worth by his net worth. But just to go back to the taxes, I mean, if you just take something as simple as the deduction of $70,000 for haircuts over a period of years...

VANEK SMITH: (Laughter) Yes.

SCHWARTZ: ...This is so obviously among many, many other deductions he takes. He did it because he thought he could get away with it.

VANEK SMITH: What was his approach to taxes back then? Did you see any, like, deals that stick out in your head that involved taxes of some kind?

SCHWARTZ: Oh, yeah. Oh, yeah. He looked at it, you know, as a transaction, of course. He looked at it as if I can avoid taxes, then I'm going to do it, which, by the way, to some degree or another, all real estate developers do.

VANEK SMITH: Did you enjoy spending time with President Trump?

SCHWARTZ: Nobody ever asks me that. That's a - that's great. In a certain way, I did. I would sort of - I would say being around Trump in that era - because that was probably a high point in his career. You know, Trump Tower had just opened.

VANEK SMITH: Oh, yeah, he was - he had an international brand. He was known everywhere.

SCHWARTZ: There were times when the sheer adrenaline of being around this guy, the fact that he was in some way sort of larger than life had a certain kind of intoxicating pull.

VANEK SMITH: I mean, I do have to ask, like, how much money did you make off the book?

SCHWARTZ: I think probably a million and a half dollars or...

VANEK SMITH: Whoa.

SCHWARTZ: ...Maybe more.

VANEK SMITH: That's a lot, though.

SCHWARTZ: Yeah. I do want to say the book has earned somewhere around a quarter of a million dollars since Trump became president. I have earned a quarter of a million dollars and so has he. And I have given all of that money away and given it away specifically to causes that defend the kinds of people who Trump ignores - immigrants and poor people and environmental causes - because I did come to see that money as blood money.

VANEK SMITH: Do you think that President Trump would be President Trump if it hadn't been for "The Art Of The Deal?"

SCHWARTZ: If I'm being brutally honest, my guess is no. If I hadn't helped to set the frame, the fictional frame, that "The Art Of The Deal" does about who Donald Trump is, it's much less likely that he would have been able to work his way up the ladder in the way that he did. I mean, like, all three of the casinos that I wrote about in "The Art Of The Deal" went bankrupt. So, you know, most of the deals in "The Art Of The Deal" that we wrote about as if they were great successes were actually failures.


 
As Trump once again declined to commit to a peaceful transfer of power if he loses the upcoming election, his "Art of the Deal" co-author Tony Schwartz joins MSNBC's Chief Legal Correspondent Ari Melber to provide unique insight into Trump's mind. Schwartz warns Melber that “every minute of every day” Trump is plotting to “subvert even what voters may say.”


 
The left has resorted to publishing statements by people like Michael Cohen and Jeffrey Epstein to support their Trump narrative.

All in service to a man who's been credibly accused, in writing, of pedophilic incest by his own daughter.

How sick!
 
The left has resorted to publishing statements by people like Michael Cohen and Jeffrey Epstein to support their Trump narrative.

All in service to a man who's been credibly accused, in writing, of pedophilic incest by his own daughter.

How sick!
[How sick that Trump was credibly accused of sexual misconduct by at least 26 women, and STILL, he managed to become President of the United States.

Some Republicans really have a low bar in order to achieve power.]

  • At least 26 women have accused President Donald Trump of sexual misconduct since the 1970s.
  • Renewed attention was brought to the allegations amid the #MeToo movement and a national conversation concerning sexual misconduct.
  • Trump has repeatedly denied the accusations, denouncing his accusers as "liars."
  • In June 2019, columnist E. Jean Carroll accused President Donald Trump of sexually assaulting her by forcing his penis inside her in a Bergdorf Goodman dressing room in the mid-1990s.
  • And in September 2020, model Amy Dorris said that in 1997 Trump forcibly kissed her, groped her all over her body, and gripped her tightly so she couldn't get away.
(full article online)

 
I am the crazy woman. The nutjob. The skank. The slut who won’t shut up. I’m the psycho liar paid by the Democratic Party. I’m the loony who deserves the death threats. I’m the kook who has it coming. I’m so nasty that @BluMrln75 says Trump wouldn’t do me “with Biden’s wiener.” And don’t say you don’t remember me, reader. I’m the batshit flaky bitch who warned you that Trump won’t take “no” for an answer.

And did you listen? Did you? Cuz now Trump won’t take “no” from America. Trump won’t take “no” from the voters, the Electoral College, the Supreme Court, the United States Congress, Jack, Mitch McConnell, or the PGA golf tour. He sulks, he incites, he shakes the Capitol down to the core of its spleen, and still he won’t take “no.” So as we approach January 20, when his foul body may or may not be dragged from the White House, I thought I would just remind everyone that all this could have been avoided if everybody had simply listened, and not just to me, but to the first woman who publicly accused Trump of sexual assault two decades ago.

(full article online)



 
[ Honest Abe ]

So despite all that “America first” nonsense, what’s really happening is that former President Donald Trump’s Palm Beach County clubs have already reserved 87 slots at Mar-a-Lago, five at his Trump International Golf Course and 19 at his golf club in Jupiter for foreign workers next season.

And his clubs aren’t alone in that practice.

The Labor Department puts a national cap on H-2B visas, granting 66,000 foreign workers permission to work these seasonal, nonagricultural jobs.

The idea is that these are terrible temporary jobs that Americans don’t want to do themselves. But I’m guessing you can find an American worker willing to be paid as much as $28 an hour to work in a country club for the season.

Trump and owners of some other luxury resorts have been doing it for years, claiming they need these workers because Americans are either unqualified or unwilling to take the seasonal jobs.

But in Trump’s case, there’s barely an effort to employ American citizens at his clubs for the dozens of jobs reserved for foreign workers each year.

“According to our records going back to 2006, we have not had any regular job orders from Mar-a-Lago other than for a banquet server position in September 2015,” Veenstra said. “We also have not received any regular job orders from either of the two Trump golf clubs in Palm Beach County.”

(full article online)


 
Donald Trump 's sister has told the truth about him to her niece Mary L. Trump.

Regardless of those truths, many have not heard or read them, and many have chosen to not believe or disregard what she has said.

But it is the truth, nevertheless, and a truth which shows where part of the country has gone to, or chosen to go to. Power. Power to control elections, power to control other people's rights. Power to not concede an election lost and do whatever can be done to overturn it. Power to take classified documents, leaving office as a citizen, to one's home.

If only more people would have listened to her words and others who have been warning, or had warned about Trump during his candidacy or afterwards. How long will it take?


heads with all the …” is there audio of this?
 
The left has resorted to publishing statements by people like Michael Cohen and Jeffrey Epstein to support their Trump narrative.

All in service to a man who's been credibly accused, in writing, of pedophilic incest by his own daughter.

How sick!
Epstein was trump's BFF...until he had him killed.
 
[ Donald, the good Business Man ]

From 2013 to 2015, Mar-a-Lago was approved to hire 246 foreign workers by the U.S. Department of Labor with H-2B visas, which allow U.S. employers to temporarily import foreign workers to fill non-agricultural jobs that can't be filled with Americans.

To get approval for H-2B visas, employers must prove they need extra workers and that they made an effort to recruit domestic workers, contacted everyone who responded to ads and hired all qualified applicants. After receiving approval, employers must petition U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services to bring foreign, temporary workers into the country.

Trump has made the case that he couldn't find American workers. "It's almost impossible to get help," the Republican presidential candidate told CNN last month. "And part of the reason you can't get American people is they want full time jobs."

That is news to Tom Veenstra. He is senior director of support services at the Palm Beach County CareerSource office. It's a free service that links qualified job candidates with employers. And during the past two years, the agency has placed more than 50,000 people in jobs in Palm Beach County. Veenstra says he has no doubt he could fill Mar-a-Lago with U.S. workers.

"We have hundreds of qualified candidates for jobs like these," Veenstra told CNN. "That's what we do here. We help place local residents into jobs like those."

Did Trump use the free service? Only once, Veenstra says. After criticism about its hiring practices, Mar-a-Lago asked the Palm Beach County CareerSource office to send over qualified candidates for a single position. Veenstra says he sent four applicants, one was hired.

Veenstra says there were no problems with the hire as far as he knows, but they never had another request from Mar-a-Lago.

Mar-a-Lago positions paid roughly $10 an hour for maids and housekeepers going up to $13 an hour for cooks, and about $11 for waiters and waitresses.

(full article online)

 

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